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“We heard of pressure being put on people, of deals and threats. I heard (Rep. Ernest) Wooton say he hoped that wasn’t done. But if it was, shame on the people who did it! If that was the case, if there was a road, or a bridge, or a ball park used in this, make sure every time you ride on it, cross it, or watch children play, that you think about the people who are suffering from the diseases caused by smoking.”

State Rep. H. Bernard Lebas (D-Ville Platte), a pharmacist, on reports of pressure applied by the governor’s office on legislators prior to a House vote to override Gov. Bobby Jindal’s veto of the renewal of a 4-cent cigarette tax.

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When it comes to twisting his stories and changing direction in mid-testimony, Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater, it seems, has no peer.

In yet another legislative committee hearing on the proposed sale/privatization/contracting for a third party administrator (TPA)/hybrid of the Office of Group Benefits (OGB), this one by the Senate Insurance Committee, Rainwater again altered his version of the truth that just doesn’t quite square with public comments he has uttered in the recent past.

Rainwater also got a surprise when his appointee as GEO for OGB admitted that if things remained the same as they are now, he could not reduce his staff. Rainwater has testified before two different committees that the sale/privatization of ORM would reduce the number of employees at OGB by 149, or by about half.

On Tuesday, Rainwater told Insurance Committee Chairman Sen. Dan Morrish that there was no plan to use any portion of the OGB $520 million surplus for the state general fund, nor would any private company that takes over the operations of the agency have access to the fund balance. “That fund is there for the state to pay claims and that’s what it’s going to be used for,” he said.

Barely three weeks ago, Rainwater said that the OGB surplus would be “an attractive selling point” because the private company that ultimately purchases the agency would not have to dip into its own capital to pay claims initially.

And while he steadfastly maintains that OGB is not for sale, his own office’s press release of April 26 describing his appearance before the Senate Retirement Committee repeatedly alluded to his testimony on the “potential sale and privatization of the state’s Office of Group Benefits” and of the procurement of a financial advisor to help the state “evaluate the potential sale of OGB…”

The first paragraph of Rainwater’s press release said that he testified before the Retirement Committee “about the potential sale and privatization of the state’s Office of Group Benefits.”

The second paragraph quoted Rainwater as telling the committee, “The simple fact of the matter is that a sale and privatization of OGB will have no negative impact for those covered. Let me say that again: a sale and privatization of OGB will have no negative impact for those covered.”

If that is not enough, that same press release from his office quoted him as testifying before the Retirement Committee, “The procurement of a financial adviser to help the state evaluate a potential sale of OGB was undertaken in accordance with applicable law.”

Morrish on Tuesday asked, “Is this a sale or a privatization?”

“We’re attempting to bundle our HMO and PPO.”

“Is it a privatization or a management contract?” Morrish asked again.

“It’s a privatization with a five-year contract. We’re taking OGB out of the day to day business of running an insurance company,” Rainwater said.

“We’re not selling OGB,” he said. “We’re not giving up the right to negotiate a contract. This is something that’s never been done before. It is privatization, but we’re not selling OGB.”

A brief but puzzling exchange ensued when Morrish commented that he had not seen the RFP (request for proposal).

“The RFP is not written yet,” Rainwater responded.

The RFP for a financial adviser to conduct an assessment of OGB’s value was issued last Friday giving bidders a deadline of June 6 in which to submit proposals to “assess the market value of the book of business and services provided by OGB and assist in the formulation of alternative methods of benefit delivery.

An earlier RFP was abandoned when the only bidder, Goldman Sachs, who helped in the crafting of the document, was the only bidder but could not agree to a demand that DOA hold Goldman Sachs harmless in the event of litigation.

Throughout the latest RFP, there are references to those submitting proposals having experience in the sale of health insurance entities and of track records in past sale efforts.

Sen. J.P. Morrell (D-New Orleans) asked Insurance Commissioner Jim Donelon about the impact on the state insurance industry if the same company ended up as the third party administrator (TPA) for both the state’s HMO and PPO.

“After Hurricane Katrina visited us,” Donelon said, “Blue Cross/Blue Shield went from having 40 percent of the insurance business in Louisiana to 70 percent. I have tried every way I know how to stop that trend. Blue Cross already has the state’s HMO and PPO, that could be a problem. I spoke to Angel (former Commissioner of Administration Angele Davis) about that when DOA awarded the HMO to Blue Cross over Humana and of course, that’s being litigated right now in the court of appeal.”

Sen. Gerald Long (R-Winnfield) asked Rainwater how he arrived at a value of $150 million for OGB.

“OGB collects $1 billion a year in premiums and currently has a $520 million surplus and we took variables of those figures and arrived at a price of $150 that we expect a company might pay us to manage that volume,” Rainwater replied.

Sen. Eric LaFleur (D-Ville Platte) asked Rainwater if the $150 million was recurring or one-time revenue and Rainwater admitted it would be a one-time payment. “But there would be a $10 million-a-year savings in staff reduction savings,” he said.

“Doesn’t the $500 million surplus help the state?” LaFleur asked.

“It does, but we need some balance,” Rainwater said.

“Isn’t what he’s supposed to do,” LaFleur asked, referring to Scott Kipper,
newly-appointed CEO of OGB following the April 15 firing of Tommy Teague

“It is. That’s why we brought him in.”

LaFleur then asked Kipper, “Is that impossible for you to do, to streamline the agency and make it more effective?”

“It’s not impossible,” Kipper said. “The trick is to try and get an apple-to-apple comparison in order to get the reserve where it should be.”

“What is a good reserve?”

“That’s a good question.”

LaFleur then dropped a bombshell when he asked Kipper, “Let’s assume this RFP doesn’t go anywhere and we’re right back where we are right now, who…how many people would you cut from OGB?”

“If we continue to operate as we do now, there would be no significant cuts,” Kipper said. “There’s not a lot of excess now.”

Rainwater, visibly upset at Kipper’s answer, interrupted to say, “The only way to reduce the number of employees by 149 is to privatize.”

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Editor’s note: Periodically, LouisianaVoice invites guest columnists to contribute to our blog. The following essay was written by Don Whittinghill, consultant to the Louisiana School Board Association.

It is also posted on the association’s website at http://www.lsba.com/.

Last week, Gov. Bobby Jindal released a budget proposal for the 2011-2012 fiscal year.

Legislators reacted swiftly. Some of them accused Gov. Jindal of balancing the state’s operating budget on the backs of college students, state workers, and the poor.

Demonstrations were staged on the Capitol steps.

The proposal was designed in the face of a financial chaos that might well be a politically orchestrated stage on which to carry out an ultra conservative agenda.

First, state universities were told by the governor that they would have to endure another 35% in cuts. Then, Superintendent Paul Pastorek told newly elected K-12 school board members that it would be likely only a 10% cut. Two days later the governor proclaimed it would be less than 10%.

Secondly, the official revenue estimates (made March 7) were for revenues to amount to $7.8 billion. The actual revenue collections for 2010 amounted to $7.1 billion.

It should be recognized that revenue estimates are made several times each year for the past 17 years. Over the 19 years for which estimates are recorded the Legislative Fiscal Office calculates that it has underestimated revenues in 16 of those years. The March estimate is that used for casting the state budget. Over those 19 years the fiscal authorities calculated an error rate, on the low side, averaged 7.7%. For each percent of underestimating revenue the fiscal office reports $96 million for each percent underestimated. That suggests the current pre-legislative estimate of revenue could be $739 million below actual when all is said and done.

When one looks into the presented budget one finds that vouchers for fewer than 2,000 New Orleans school children will increase to $10 million. These vouchers went, last year, to slightly more than 1,600 and the size of the average voucher was around $4,400. Current MFP budget letter shows the average per pupil contribution of state funds is less than $3,500.

The administration declares that it is protecting Pre-K-12 education. But, there is no adjustment of inflation, retirement system contributions rise more than 5%, health insurance coverage increases, school bus fuel costs have grown more than 20% in the last month and are projected higher. The legislature decreed that local school districts must pay for private school bus transportation that had formerly been paid by the state. The $5,000 per year stipend granted by the state for Nationally Certified Teachers has now gravitated to the local school boards to pay. Now, the administration proposes to fund TOPS scholarships by raiding a state trust fund that generates money for K-12 education.

As more and more public schools are taken over by the state and converted to charter schools that divert money from local public schools, Gov. Jindal presents as part of his budget cutting the selling of prisons to private firms. In the case of prison or privatized management of charter schools state money is diverted to the profit line. It is unclear how such diversion of funds can make for better service or lower costs.

Most folks would consider such a series of budgetary moves to be CUTS to Pre-K-12 education!

The administration declares it will not grant state employees, including teachers, a pay increase. But its budget calls for raising retirement contributions by 37%. This governor seems to think that raising college tuition is not the same as a tax paid by students and their parents.

The shock and awe doctrine that the administration has established in the media is, it seems, calculated to bring popular acceptance of policy that would not be accepted under more normal circumstance. In the game of craps such a move is known as a “come bet.”

The proposition that half of the dollars needed to fund the TOPS program would come when voters approve another Constitutional Amendment that has not even been introduced to the legislature would certainly raise an eyebrow or two if the average business did so.

The administration says it will cut over 4,000 state jobs to save money. The fact that over half of them were jobs not filled during the 2010-2011 fiscal year suggests a misunderstanding of the term cash flow.

An important ingredient in the state’s revenue stream is derived from the oil and gas industry. Many headlines, over the past year, have signaled huge shortfalls in mineral income to the state. However, a look at current official reports reveals some interesting facts:

The Revenue Estimate underlying the budget calls for an average price for crude oil pegged at $84.65 per barrel. Oil and gas industry estimates for the coming year average $101.77 per barrel. Each dollar per barrel difference amounts to $12 million in state revenue. That means if business forecasts are correct, the Revenue Estimating Committee is underestimating by over $200 million.

In 2010, Louisiana’s production of oil on state lands and waters increased over that of 2009 by 626,243 barrels. State natural gas production also significantly increased by 2.2 billion cubic feet. Much has been made of oil producers’ tax relief creating a shortfall in severance tax revenue. According to the state revenue department 2010’s severance tax increased $73 million or 10.7% over the prior year. It should also be recalled that severance taxes are dwarfed by other state revenues that flow from oil and gas production. Well over $1.1 billion was paid out to land owners (including the state) in royalties on production from their lands and in other expenses subject to sales taxes. The income collected by Louisiana’s folks is subject to income tax (lessened by depletion allowance deductions) which is substantially more productive for the state treasury. In the Haynesville Shale gas field, more than 4,000 acres of state-owned land is leased for production.

One might also consider the administration/legislative attitude toward the “Rainy Day Fund.” The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a Washington, D.C-based think tank says they are designed to be used when times are bad. In Louisiana, the debate over just what constitutes a fiscal “rainy day” has fixated budget planners for more than a year. About $644 million remains in the Budget Stabilization Fund. One might question whether or not these times are sufficiently bad to justify tapping those funds. While there are restriction that revolve on repayment into the fund, that law can be changed about as easily as the administration-proposed raid on trust funds to fund TOPS.

It appears as if there is a real need to evaluate administration shock-doctrine financial claims. If the administration is right, that leaves another option to be considered other than that proposed.

Moody’s Investors Service, in January, reported that Louisiana’s debt per capita was $4,799 with by far the majority being unfunded pension liability.

Still another D.C.-based think tank, The Tax Foundation, ranks states on a per capita tax basis. Louisiana, in the most current ranking, is 42nd lowest taxed in the nation. One might ask: does Louisiana face a spending problem or is it short of revenue to meet real needs?

When the smoke enveloping the newly proposed budget clears, and the mirrors start to reflect reality, perhaps the chaos being manufactured will be clearer. The priority of state spending then might be seen less on enhancing the Governor’s national image and more on meeting public needs.

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Public school teachers at the bottom of the seniority ladder are being called in by their principals in parish school systems across the state to hear the bad news: because of budgetary cutbacks, their contracts will not be renewed next school year.

It’s bad enough when State Superintendent of Education Paul Pastorek insists that poor grades are the fault of the teachers and schools, not poverty or the lack of public support of education. The mindset in Pastorek’s office is not more funding, but more charter schools.

Teacher layoffs are something that should never happen in any society that pretends to make education a priority. But it is happening right now so perhaps we should take a quick refresher course in Louisiana history or civics or what some might prefer to call the Big Lie.

Think back for a moment to a campaign that took place 21 years ago. It was 1990 and Louisianans were being told that legalized gaming (that’s gaming, not gambling; gaming was the nice way to say gambling which, of course, was illegal and carried bad connotations) was the panacea for all the state’s fiscal problems.

We once thought the same thing about oil and gas but that myth was exploded in the eighties when the oil patches dried up with six-dollar-a-barrel oil (remember those days?). So legislators began looking around for other sources of revenue. Never mind computer technology, Fortune 500 businesses, or some other livelihoods with an emphasis on education and some modicum of intelligence. No, it had to be something that could be fed to the masses, something that would be in keeping with Louisiana’s third-world, banana republic image.

Presto! The idea of legalized gambling, er, gaming was born and the politicians nurtured the concept and they were oh, so slick in the way they did it. Casino gambling was too much to throw at their constituents from the get-go, so first came the Louisiana Lottery, approved in 1990 with the first scratch-off games going on sale in 1991. Skeptics immediately dubbed the Lottery as a tax for those who were not good at math.

The legislature passed riverboat gambling in 1991 once the Lottery was up and running and the following year approved a bill to allow New Orleans to build a land-based casino.

And just how did lawmakers sell the hard-nosed Baptists of north Louisiana on gambling? Why, education, of course. In December of 1986, The Louisiana Association of Educators agreed to support and work for the lottery, provided at least 75 percent of the proceeds are dedicated to education, a stipulation to which Gov. Edwin Edwards quickly agreed. That number now hovers somewhere around 35 percent, less than half of what was originally sought.

Politicians from the governor all the way down to local school board members were busy touting the financial windfall for education that was sure to come from gaming revenue. After all, hadn’t the Support Education in Louisiana First Fund been a good thing for state education?

The Support Education in Louisiana First Fund had its origins in September 1986 with a proposed amendment that would dedicate about $540 million from oil and gas leasing production in the outer continental shelf lands in the Gulf of Mexico. Known as the 8(g) fund, it has pumped more than $500 million into the state’s general fund for education since 1986. Or has it? In 2010, the Louisiana Legislature allocated $109.1 million in 8(g) funds to the Minimum Foundation Program (MFP) to fund public education in Louisiana. Or did it?

Since its inception, the Louisiana Lottery has transferred almost $2.3 billion to the state treasury but it wasn’t until 2003 that the legislature got around to passing a bill calling for a constitutional amendment dedicating lottery proceeds to the MFP. That law became effective on July 1, 2004. Last year, the legislature allocated $137.4 million in State Lottery proceeds to the MFP. Or did it?

And then there’s the $10 billion Education Jobs Fund passed by Congress last year. Also known as EduJobs, Louisiana’s share was $147 million and was supposed to be added to the MFP. But was it? Remember, this is Louisiana.

Even as many of the state’s local school boards had already factored their share of that $147 million into their budgets, Gov. Bobby Jindal on Nov. 11 announced plans to redirect the money. Just that quickly, at the whim of a “reform” politician, it was gone.

It turns out that the Support Education in Louisiana First Fund, the State Lottery proceeds allocated to education in Louisiana, and the EduJobs fund are nothing but part of an elaborate shell game and skullduggery, the political equivalent of a stage magician’s misdirection tactic. Smoke and mirrors.

Instead of allocating the full $3.3 billion to the MFP from the state’s General Fund as it had before the existence of 8(g), the State Lottery, or EduJobs funds and then adding those allocations to produce the education windfall Louisiana voters had expected, they were first subtracted from the General Fund. Only then were the combined $393.5 million in 8(g) funds, State Lottery proceeds, and EduJobs funding added back to the legislative appropriation which by that time, had shrunk to less than $3.1 billion.

The net gain to education from 8(g), EduJobs, and the lottery?

Zero. It was all a big con. Mission accomplished. Politicians 3, Louisiana 0.

So now, after the 2010 legislature gave top priority to pet projects, appropriating more than $500 million on non-governmental organizations (NGOs) such as councils on aging, golf courses, tennis courts, and community centers, and projects that should have been financed by local governments, the state has run out of money and teachers are being laid off.

And instead of budget cuts, Superintendent of Education Paul Pastorek sees the problem as bad teachers and failing schools. The more things change, the more they stay the same.

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When attempting to ferret out the hidden costs of state government, one can quickly become board, as in more than 500 boards and commissions—complete with more than 6,000 members.

Alabama, which has 250,000 more people than Louisiana, according to the 2010 Census, has only 25 boards and commissions. Texas, with five times Louisiana’s population, makes do with 110 though it, too, has a glut of education boards with 11.

But back to Louisiana where individual board and commission membership ranges from as few as two to as many as 164.

Sheer logistics makes compiling even a rough cost estimate for office space, utilities, member per diem and mileage payments, or staff salaries virtually impossible. There is, however, sufficient evidence of overlap and duplication to warrant scrutiny, especially in the face of budgetary shortfalls predicted to be as much as $1.6 billion for the coming fiscal year.

There are the usual suspects: the education and retirement boards.

Louisiana somehow has always seen fit to have several education boards:

The Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE), the LSU Board of Supervisors; the Board of Regents for Higher Education; the University of Louisiana Board of Supervisors; the Southern University Board of Supervisors, and more recently, the Community and Technical Colleges Board of Supervisors.

So, why do LSU and Southern warrant their own separate boards? Why is there a need for both a University of Louisiana board (formerly the Board of Trustees for State Colleges and Universities) and a Board of Regents? No one has ever answered that question but each has its very own office space, board members, and staff.

But wait. While much has said about those boards, Louisiana also has the Academic Advisory Council; the Adult Learning Task Force; the Education Estimating Conference (how does one estimate education?); the Louisiana High School Redesign Commission; the Local Education Governance and Administration Task Force, and the Home Instruction Program for Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY) Advisory Board.

Or, how about the Municipal Employees’ Retirement System Board of Trustees; the Municipal Police Employees’ Retirement System Board of Trustees; the School Employees’ Retirement System Board of Trustees; the Louisiana State Employees’ Retirement System Board of Trustees; the State Police Retirement Fund, and the Public Retirement Systems’ Actuarial Committee? And just what is the difference between the Louisiana Retirement Development Commission and the Commission on Public Retirement?

The legalization of gambling in Louisiana produced another whole line of boards. We have the Louisiana Gaming Control Board; the Louisiana State Lottery Corporation Board of Directors; the Louisiana State Racing Commission; the Bossier Parish Pari-Mutuel Live Racing Facility Economic Redevelopment and Gaming Control Board; the Calcasieu Parish Pari-Mutuel Live Racing Facility Economic Redevelopment and Gaming Control Board, and the St. Landry Parish Pari-Mutuel Live Racing Facility Economic Redevelopment and Gaming Control Board.

Then we have the Louisiana Children’s Cabinet; the Children’s Cabinet Advisory Board; the Children’s Cabinet Research Council; The Louisiana Children’s Trust Fund; the Child Care and Development Block Grant Advisory Council; the Louisiana Advisory Committee on Licensing of Child Care Facilities and Child Placing Agencies; the Child Death Review Panel; the Commission on Peri-natal Care and Prevention of Infant Mortality; the Governor’s Advisory Council on Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities, and the Select Committee on Women and Children.

Under the Louisiana Department of Agriculture and Forestry, there are a multitude of boards and commissions. These include:

The Agriculture Finance Authority; the Agricultural Commodities Commission; the State Market Commission; the Louisiana Feed Commission; the Louisiana Fertilizer Commission; the Louisiana Forestry Commission; the Livestock Sanitary Board; the Livestock Brand Commission; The Dairy Industry Promotion Board; the Dairy Stabilization Board; the Aquaculture Coordinating Council; the Aquatic Chelonian (turtle) Research and Promotion Board; Oyster Task Force; the Oyster Lease Damage Evaluation Board; the Fur and Alligator Advisory Council; the Identity Task Force of Seafood Standards; the Catfish Promotion Board; the Louisiana Pork Promotion Board; the Sweet Potato Advertising and Development Commission; the Louisiana Egg Commission; the Rice Promotion Board, and, of course, the Rice Research Board.

And how could we ever forget the Boll Weevil Eradication Commission?

In sheer numbers, however, none can top the various levee, port, and sundry water boards and commissions. How could we ever function without them?

Check ’em out:

The Bayou DeSiard Lake Restoration Commission; the Bayou Lafourche Fresh Water District; the Lafourche Basin Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Capital Area Groundwater Conservation District Board of Commissioners; the Cane Waterway Commission; the Ground Water Resources Commission; the Ground Water Management Conservation District Board of Directors; the Groundwater Management Advisory Task Force; the Morehouse Parish Lake Commission; the Poverty Point Reservoir District Board of Commissioners; the West Ouachita Parish Reservoir Commission; the Allen Parish Reservoir District Board of Commissioners; the Washington Parish Reservoir Commission; the White Lake Property Advisory Board; the Bayou D’arbonne Watershed District Commission; the Sparta Groundwater Conservation District; the Amite River Basin Drainage and Water Conservation District Board of Commissioners; the Waterways Infrastructure Bank Board of Directors; the Southern Louisiana Drinking Water Study Commission; the Lake Charles Harbor and Terminal District Board of Commissioners; the Morgan City Harbor and Terminal District Board of Commissioners; the Millennium Port Authority; the South Tangipahoa Parish Port Commission; the Greater Ouachita Port Commission; the Krotz Springs Port Commission; the Port of Greater Baton Rouge; the Port of New Orleans Board of Commissioners; the Red River Port Commission; the Red River Compact Commission; the Red River Development Council; the Red River Waterway Commission; the Red River; Atchafalaya and Bayou Boeuf Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Red River Levee Drainage District Board of Commissioners; the Sabine River Authority Board of Commissioners; the Sabine River Compact Administration; the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority East; the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority West; the Morgan City; Berwick Port Pilot Commissioners and Examiners; the River Port Review and Oversight Board; the River Port Pilot Commissioners and Examiners for Port Fouchon Board; the River Port Pilot Commissioners and Examiners Board (Calcasieu); the River Port Pilots for the Calcasieu Bar; Pass; and Main Ship Channel to Lake Charles Orange; Texas Board; the River Port Pilot Commissioners for the Port of New Orleans Board; the River Port Pilots for the Intracoastal Canal; the New Orleans and Baton Rouge Steamship Pilots Association; the New Orleans-Baton Rouge Steamship Pilots Examiners for the Mississippi River Board; the Lafourche Basin Levee District Board of Commissioners; the North Lafourche Conservation Levee and Drainage District; the South Lafourche Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Lafitte Area Independent Levee District; the Lake Borgne Basin Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Bossier Levee District Board of Commissioners; the North Bossier Levee District Board the Caddo Levee District Board of Commissioners; the East Jefferson Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Fifth Louisiana Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Pontchartrain Levee Board; the Board of Levee Commissioners of the Orleans Levee District; the Nineteenth Louisiana Levee District Board of Commissioners; the St. Mary Levee District Board of Commissioners; the Natchitoches Levee and Drainage District Board of Commissioners; and the Terrebonne Levee and Conservation District Board of Commissioners.

Thank goodness the state took steps to merge redundant levee boards after Hurricane Katrina.

But just for good measure, we have the:

• Aviation and Military Museum of Louisiana Board of Directors;
• Military Hall of Fame and Museum Governing Board of Directors;
• Military Museum Governing Board;
• Kenner Naval Museum Commission;
• Governor’s Military Advisory Board;
• Military Advisory Commission;
• Military Family Assistance Board;
• Veterans Affairs Commission;
• Louisiana Diabetes Advisory Council;
• Louisiana Diabetes Initiative Council;
• Joint Legislative Juvenile Justice Commission;
• Governor’s Advisory Board of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention;
• Juvenile Justice Reform Act Implementation Commission;
• Florida Parishes Juvenile Justice Commission;
• Task Force on Legal Representation in Child Protection Cases;
• Integrated Criminal Justice Information System Policy Board;
• Life Safety and Property Protection Advisory Board;
• Louisiana Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Criminal Justice;
• Law Enforcement Executive Management Institute Board;
• Louisiana State Police Commission;
• Louisiana Sentencing Commission
• Pardon Board;
• Parole Board;
• Louisiana Commission on Uniform State Laws;
• Forensic Strategic Task Force;
• Domestic Violence Law Enforcement Training Task Force;
• Governor’s Task Force on DWI-Vehicular Homicide;
• Homeland Security Advisory Council;
• State Council for Interstate Adult Offender Supervision;
• Louisiana Law Institute;
• National Consortium for Justice Information and Statistics;
• Council on Peace Officer Standards and Training;
• Interagency Council on Prevention of Sex Offenses;
• Sexual Assault Task Force;
• Eastern New Orleans Interstate Oversight Commission;
• Greater New Orleans Expressway Commission;
• Senate Select Committee for Oversight of Greater New Orleans Expressway Commission;
• Louisiana Byways Commission;
• Manchac Parkway Commission;
• Mississippi River Parkway Commission;
• Mississippi River Road Commission;
• Mississippi River Bridge Authority;
• Crescent City Connection Oversight Commission;
• Highway 1 Task Force;
• I-49 North Extension Feasibility and Funding Task Force;
• I-49 South Project Task Force;
• Ouachita Expressway Authority;
• River Parishes Transit Authority;
• Southern Rapid Rail Transit Commission;
• Incentives for New Ventures and Economic Stimulation (INVEST) Commission;
• Louisiana Investment in Infrastructure for Economic Prosperity Commission;
• Louisiana Economic Development Corporation;
• Economic Estimating Conference;
• North Louisiana Economic Development Board;
• Louisiana Prosper Commission;
• Small Business Entrepreneurship Commission;
• Louisiana Workforce Commission;
• Louisiana Workforce Investment Council;
• Occupational Forecasting Conference;
• Greater New Orleans Biosciences Economic Development District Board of Commissioners;
• Legislative Budget Control Council
• Revenue Estimating Conference;
• Small Business Task Force;
• Small Business Compliance Advisory Panel;
• Solution to Poverty Network Council;
• Southern Growth Policies Board;
• Workforce Competitiveness Task Force;
• Louisiana Commission on Marriage and Family;
• Life Management and Marriage and Relationship Skills Course Study Task Force;
• Marriage/Family Therapy Advisory Committee

All this has given me a migraine so if you will excuse me, I think I’ll go lie down now. There’s probably a board or commission or a study task force for that.

Got a news lead for Louisiana Voice to investigate? Have a suggestion for a story? Your identity will never be revealed. Just send an email to louisianavoice@cox.net

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