Feeds:
Posts
Comments

Archive for the ‘Retirement’ Category

“Given the tenacity of the fights going on nationwide, those who are looking for support of the contract theory will seize upon these cases as examples of overreaching by government.”

–Florida attorney Robert Klausner, who specializes in public pension law, on court decisions in Arizona and New Hampshire which threw out pension reform laws that required state employees to contribute more to their retirement funds but which did not provide additional retirement benefits.

“Saying that promises are being kept, and keeping promises are two different things.”

–Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS), on Gov. Jindal’s attempt to lower benefits, increase employee retirement contributions and to require employees to work longer to qualify for retirement–in violation of the state’s contract with employees.

Read Full Post »

Gov. Bobby Jindal’s legal advisors, if they have not already done so, certainly should be obtaining copies of legal rulings by judges in New Hampshire and Arizona before moving forward with the governor’s radical state civil service employee retirement reform package.

If, on the other hand, the administration has not been paying attention, it could be in for a surprise if the governor’s retirement bills are signed into law and subsequently challenged in court. And it’s all but certain the issue will end up in the hands of lawyers if the legislature accepts Jindal’s recommendations to tax state employees while reducing benefits.

Leading the charge against Jindal’s reverse gang rape of some 47,000 active rank-and-file state employees is perhaps the one person in state government who is immune from being Teagued by the governor—Cindy Rougeou.

Rougeou is executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System, commonly known as LASERS. She lost no time in taking the governor to task for his plan that would require employees to work longer, contribute more (but not for their retirements), and accept less in retirement benefits.

Calling Jindal’s plan “a rush to judgment,” Rougeou says that like a mortgage, the state owes a debt to the four state retirement systems and in decades past, the state failed to meet its full obligation to pay the employer share of the benefits offered.

Despite that, she says, “The assertion that under current law, the UAL (unfunded accrued liability) could be expected to grow by $3 billion in 10 years is false.”

Jindal’s reform package does not address the teachers, school employees or state police retirement systems, she noted, adding that LASERS accounts for only about a third of the $18.5 billion total UAL of all four retirement systems. “A recent Pew report pointed out that Louisiana is one of the top 10 states for paying the actuarially-required rate,” she said.

Perhaps the most important observation by Rougeou was when she said, “The proposals are being touted as measures to attain and maintain the actuarial soundness of the pension systems. Yet funds that would be raised, for example the increase in employee contributions, are not being used to reduce pension debt, but are instead being funneled into the state general fund.”

She noted correctly that the proposed employee contribution increase of 3 percent, which also would not be applied toward greater retirement benefits, is tantamount to a tax increase assessed only against state employees.

Remember, too, that Jindal claims to have held fast to his promise of no new taxes—even in the face of this proposed tax to be imposed on state employees. But then, neither did he consider tuition increases for college and university students a “new tax.” Something to be said about consistency there.

To recap, Jindal’s retirement package, besides requiring an additional 3 percent contribution by employees, also would change retirement benefits in mid-stream from a defined benefit to a defined contribution plan and would require employees to work to age 67 before qualifying for retirement.

Rougeou said it would be unfair to compare Jindal’s proposals to changes in corporate plans because LASERS members have neither corporate plans nor social security. “They have only their LASERS defined benefit plan,” she said.

In fact, she said, LASERS members, in addition to the percentage paid by the state, pay contributions of 7.5 percent or 8 percent, depending on their date of hire whereas Social Security benefits require contributions of 6.2 percent from both employees and employers.

“The retirement benefits of current employees are part of the package of compensation they (state workers) were promised when hired; any change to that package is breaking the promise made to those employees,” she said. “Saying that promises are being kept, and keeping promises are two different things.”

Rougeou noted that in 1991, West Virginia instituted a defined contribution plan but switched back to a defined benefit plan four years later when it was found to be less expensive.

A Bloomberg National Poll released on March 9 reveals that 63 percent of respondents do not feel that states should be able to break their promises to retirees. The poll showed that using public employees as political pawns has failed to attract widespread support from a public far more concerned about unemployment than government deficits—deficits that one respondent said are a result of the economy and years of tax cuts and not the actions of public employees.

Another issue that has never been addressed by the administration is that of air time purchased by individuals. The purchase of credit, or air time, was approved by the legislature only a couple of years ago, giving employees the option of purchasing, at considerable expense to them, time that could be applied to their retirement. One individual spent $18,000 to buy four years and other $60,000 for 13 years. What will become of those investments if Jindal’s proposals become law? Will these individuals be reimbursed? Would they get interest in addition to their initial investments?

The same question holds for those who transferred military time to the state retirement system.

One man who worked for the state for 25 years before entering the private sector noted that his wife also has 25 years in LASERS, “but she is only 48.” Currently, a state employee may retire at 100 percent of his or her salary after 40 years of service. If his wife is required to work to age 67—another 19 years—she will have 44 years’ service. The question then arises, would she—and the state—be required to continue making contributions to LASERS during her final four years of employment?

As it now stands, she would be able to retire at 75 percent of her income in five years, at age 53. Under Jindal’s package, she would be required to work an additional 14 years.

“We have planned our retirement based on what we were told that retirement would be,” he said. “Now to change the rules in the middle of the game puts us way, way behind in our retirement preparations…and we are facing a nightmare.”

Echoing the sentiments of the Bloomberg poll respondent, he said, “None of this retirement mess was the fault of any state employee.” He said it was obvious “that no one in the administration has even looked at this from an unbiased viewpoint. If they did, they could be fired (Teagued).”

State Civil Service employees are eligible for retirement after 30 years of service at any age, after 25 years of service at age 55, and after 10 years of service at age 60.

LASERS provided LouisianaVoice with information that shows there are about 3,000 LASERS rank-and-file members under the age of 55 with 25 or more years of service. There are an additional 1,100 who are 55 or older with 25 or more years of service.

Of the 47,000 rank-and-file LASERS members, approximately 9,900, or 21 percent of the total, are eligible for immediate retirement.

A radical retirement reform package such as that being promoted by Jindal would, in all probability, result in massive retirements before next July should his package pass legislative muster. Such an en masse exodus could conceivably wreak havoc on the ability of state government to function.

“Many of those employees already have vested rights in their retirement benefits,” Rougeou said. “To change provisions, such as those targeted, would violate the constitutional restriction against impairing existing benefits.

“Employees who are not yet vested have contractual rights to their benefits,” she added. “The Louisiana Constitution provides that membership in the retirement system is a contractual relationship between the employee and the employer.

“More basically, the retirements of current employees are part of the package of compensation they were promised when hired; any change to that package is breaking the promise made to those employees,” she said.

“We also recognize the federal constitution’s prohibition against the impairment of contractual obligations and the passage of ex post facto laws.”

Lest one think Rougeou’s statements are the rants of some malcontent with an axe to grind or someone with a personal vendetta, let us consider those two state court cases we mentioned at the outset.

Plans similar to those being put forward by Jindal did not pass the judicial smell tests in those states.

Judges in Phoenix, Arizona, and Concord, New Hampshire, said requirements by those state that employees pay higher contributions were unconstitutional because they broke the contract between employees and the states which guaranteed workers that they would not be asked to pay additional amounts after being hired unless they received improved benefits in return (emphasis ours).

The legal precept for the rulings harkens back to the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits lawmakers from diminishing or impairing a contract.

“The state has impaired its own contract,” said Superior Court Judge Eileen Willett in Maricopa County (Phoenix), Arizona. “By paying a higher proportionate share for their pension benefits than they had been required to pay when hired, [state workers] are forced to pay additional consideration for a benefit which has remained the same.”

Across the country, Merrimack County (Concord, N.H.) Superior Court Judge Richard McNamara said the 2 percent to 2.5 percent increase in employee contributions would substantially impair the contract with employees “because it requires employees to pay additional amounts without receiving (any) additional benefit(s).”

Next door, the State of Vermont negotiated an agreement whereby state employees would be required to both work longer and pay more for benefits, but would be given more generous pensions in return.

Jindal has never once offered to negotiate with state employees or even to listen to employee concerns.

There are other cases elsewhere, as well. A New Jersey court overturned increased contributions imposed on New Jersey’s judges, saying the increases amounted to a pay cut. Judges are not very keen on pay cuts for themselves.

In California, Gov. Jerry Brown proposed higher contributions from state workers but both legal and legislative analysts have warned him to abandon that idea in favor of limiting the increase to new hires.

In the cases of Arizona and New Hampshire, district court rulings in those states certainly do not bind a court in another state like, say, Louisiana. But the arguments of the courts in those states could easily apply to similar pending litigation filed by Louisiana employees.

Robert Klausner, a Florida attorney who specializes in public pension law, is certainly paying attention even if Jindal’s Chief of Staff Stephen Waguespack and Executive Counsel Elizabeth Murrill may not be.

“Given the tenacity of the fights going on nationwide,” Klausner said, “those who are looking for support of the contract theory will seize upon these cases as examples of overreaching by government.”

Is anyone paying attention on the fourth floor of the State Capitol?

Anyone? Anyone? Bueller? Bueller? Anyone?

Read Full Post »

Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees’ System (LASERS) has been openly critical of Gov. Bobby Jindal’s retirement package for Louisiana Civil Service employees.

Jindal has offered sweeping retirement reforms for some 58,000 active employees—reforms which Rougeou says targets workers who are barred from lobbying on their own behalf, which attempt to force state employees to work longer for reduced benefits, which give legislators false information on the percentage that employees contribute to the cost of their retirement, which ignore that the current unfunded accrued liability (UAL) came about because of legislators’ reneging on their obligation to pay the state’s required contribution, and which violate both the Louisiana and U.S. constitutions.

What’s more, Jindal is concentrating only the LASERS’ $6.8 billion unfunded accrued liability, which is just over a third of the total UAL for the four state retirement systems—teachers, school employees and state police are the others.

But it seems there may be one more: The Jindal Retirement Alternative Plan Enhancement.

Also known as J-RAPE, as in raping state taxpayers, this is an unofficial plan to enhance former legislators who the governor feels were loyal to him before either losing their re-election bids or becoming term limited.

In other words, while the state struggles to find funds to balance the budget for yet another year, the administration sees nothing wrong with padding the state payroll with pathetically unqualified former legislators—so they can enhance their state pension.

Example: former Rep. Noble Ellington spent 24 years in the legislature. If his three highest earning years in the legislature averaged $35,000, he would qualify for a yearly retirement of $21,000.

But wait. He somehow managed to land a job as second in command to Jindal ally Insurance Commissioner Jim Donelon at a cool $150,000 per year. If he remains in that position another three years—five years if Jindal’s retirement reform passes—he will be able to retire at $105,000 or $108,750 per year, again, depending on passage of Jindal’s retirement package. Either way, that’s a 400 percent increase in retirement benefits as a political favor from our fiscally-responsible governor.

J-RAPE.

Then there is Jane Smith, another legislator-with fewer years than Ellington-who was term limited but nevertheless landed a $107,500 per year job as deputy secretary of the Department of Revenue, a stroke of good luck that will bump her retirement from $10,500 to $43,000—in addition to her benefits from the teachers’ retirement system. Both she and Ellington possess woefully inadequate experience or qualifications for their positions.

J-RAPE.

An infuriating aspect of these—and other appointments—is that the average retirement for state civil service employees is around $19,000 per year. Yet, neither the appointees nor the governor show any remorse for such blatant misuse of political patronage—all while Jindal holds himself up to voters as the citadel of ethics and all things good and decent.

Troy Hebert is another. After 11 years in the legislature, he was eligible for a whopping $9,650 per year in retirement benefits. But then he was appointed Commissioner of the Office of Alcohol and Tobacco Control. His $107,000 job will qualify him for an annual pension of $40,000 if he stays on for four years, an increase of more than $30,000. If he remains for nine years, giving him 20 years of state service, his retirement would be $53,500.

Another aspect of all this that is particularly grating is that no one in the media asks the obvious questions: How can you possibly justify thumbing your nose at taxpayers and state employees by handing out these six-figure jobs to political cronies? Where is that transparency, that accountability now?

When someone like Edwin Edwards, probably the most media-accessible, media-friendly governor in this state’s history did things like this, reporters were all over him like red beans on rice.

But when Jindal, who seldom holds press conferences because he despises reporters, abhors the media, loathes the fourth estate, does it, no one says a word.

The silence is deafening.

Where’s the outrage?

J-RAPE.

Read Full Post »

“Saying that promises are being kept and keeping promises are two different things.”

“The retirement benefits of current employees are part of the package of compensation they were promised when hired; any change to that package is breaking the promise made to those employees.”

–Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees’ Retirement System (LASERS) in a recent LASERS publication on its web page.

Read Full Post »

With so many retirement bills filed in both the House and Senate, it’s difficult to make heads or tails of them all.

For example, Sen. Elbert Guillory (D-Opelousas), chairman of the Senate Retirement Committee has personally pre-filed 37 retirement bills for the upcoming session which begins at noon on March 12.

His counterpart, House Retirement Committee Chairman Kevin Pearson (R-Slidell), has pre-filed 15 such bills. They run the gamut in addressing retirement issues for municipal employees, registrars of voters, clerks of courts, teachers, school employees, sheriffs and, of course, state employees.

And those do not even include any retirement bills authored by the other 142 legislators.

And while the main thrust is to placate Gov. Bobby Jindal in his efforts to reduce retirement benefits, increase employee contributions, and to tighten retirement qualifications, nothing has been said by the administration to address problems inherent with attempts at pension reform: namely the Louisiana State Constitution.

One person who has not been shy in criticizing Jindal’s plan is Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees’ System (LASERS).

Rougeou says Jindal is seeking to impose an additional payroll tax on state workers in the form of a 3 percent increase in employee contributions—money that will not even be used to retire the state retirement system’s $6.3 billion debt.

She also says that Jindal is:

• Targeting workers who are barred from lobbying on their own behalf, those least able to speak up in opposition to his plan;

• Attempting to force state employees to work longer for reduced benefits;

• Giving legislators false information as to the percentage that employees contribute to the cost of their retirement as compared to the state’s share;

• Ignoring the fact that the current unfunded accrued liability (UAL) came about in the first place because the state reneged for decades on paying its required contribution;

• Attempting to violate both the State and U.S. Constitutions in proposing sweeping changes to the retirement system.

Those are some pretty serious charges, coming as they do from a state employee when the governor has shown himself to be more than capable of retribution against recalcitrant underlings.

Rougeou, however, is said to be beyond the reach of Jindal’s wrath. She is hired by a LASERS board that is elected, not appointed by the governor, thus her unrestrained defense of state employees and her criticism of the governor’s retirement package.

But if Jindal is really looking for a scapegoat, he need look no further than the first floor of the State Capitol where the House and Senate chambers are located.

In 1987 the legislature passed a bill calling for a constitutional amendment that would require all the state’s retirement systems to be actuarially sound with UALs being paid off by the year 2029. Voters approved the amendment but as usual, there was a fatal flaw in the wording of the bill that allowed legislators to begin tinkering with the repayment schedule.

And tinker they did, passing Act 497 in 2009—on Jindal’s watch, by the way—that created a new payment schedule so that the state could reap a savings of $500 million. It is the state’s failure to make the necessary payments to bring the systems into manageable shape that created the current crisis in the retirement funds.

Each year between 1959 and 1969 and from 1983 to 1991, the state failed to pay its required contribution to LASERS. Not once. In 1963, for example, the 6 percent paid by the state was less than half the required 12.26 percent and in 1960, the state’s 6 percent was barely more than half the 11.81 percent required contribution. In 1990, the 7.8 percent paid by the state was far short of the 14.09 percent requirement.

Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater, in presenting Jindal’s executive budget for Fiscal Year 20120-13, told members of the Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget that the employees’ share amounts to less than 27 percent of total retirement contributions while the state’s share exceeds 73 percent.

Not so fast, says Rougeou. The administration’s accounting, she said, “apparently formed the basis for the justification that employees should now pay an addition 3 percent of salary toward their retirement.”

She went on to say, “The cost of the accruing benefit in 1988 was 12.8 percent of payroll, which we refer to as the normal cost. Of that amount the employee paid 7 percent and the state paid 5.8 percent. As such, in 1988 the employee contributed about 54.69 percent (of the total) toward retirement. Though somewhat less today, current rank and file employees “are still paying about 54 percent of the cost of their accruing benefit,” she said–double Rainwater’s claim.

So now Jindal is calling on state employees to kick in an additional 3 percent to the retirement fund. That wouldn’t be so bad if the extra 3 percent went to their retirement or even to pay down the UAL, but it doesn’t. The money will go straight into the state general fund so that Jindal can smooth over an anticipated $900 million budget shortfall this year.

Even that would be more palatable if Jindal was doing that across the board, but he isn’t. He promised the state’s college and university presidents that if they’d keep their mouths shut and not oppose his retirement package, they could share in the $100 million savings from university and college employees’ additional 3 percent.

While that comes to less than $5 million for each of the state’s 23 public colleges and universities, it hardly seems fair that they keep their 3 percent in-house while the remaining state employees must pony up their additional 3 percent to keep Jindal’s budgetary boat afloat.

Nor is it fair to tell a 42-year-old state employee with 20 years’ experience that he can scrap his plans to retire at 30 years, that he must continue working until he is 67. And when that employee purchased four years’ “air time” a few years back to enhance his retirement, it cost him $18,000.

If he works until age 67, he will have 45 years as a state employee. State employees currently can retire at 100 percent of their salaries with 40 years’ service. Will he be required to continue paying into the system past his 40 years? What about that $18,000? Will he get that back? He bought the time in good faith and in the belief that the state would honor its commitment to him just as the woman in the state agency next door paid $60,000 for 13 years’ air time. What’s to become of their investments?

Louisiana employees do not pay into social security, which makes any comparison with other systems invalid. Apples and oranges. A lifetime state worker will never qualify for social security benefits as do workers in the private sector.

The governor’s retirement package also contains a provision that retirement benefits for currently active employees be based on the formula of 2.5 percent times an average of five years’ highest income times years of service. That is a change from the current formula that computes retirement based on three years’ average earnings.

As things now stand, that would have negligible impact; employees are going into their fourth straight year without merit raises but extending the work years to age 67 could be devastating to certain employees. Depending on their dates of birth, some employees who retire after 30 years could see their benefits cut by more than half than if he/she had been born one day earlier.

Jindal, while attempting to force state employees to work longer and pay more into their retirement, is also trying to revamp their retirement from a defined benefit to a defined contribution, similar to 401(k) investment account with no guarantee of return.

Former House Speaker Jim Tucker (R-Terrytown) said last year the 3 percent increase in employee contributions was a tax and would require a two-thirds vote of both the House and Senate. Jindal has vowed throughout his term that he will veto any new taxes that appear on his desk and so obviously does not see the 3 percent increase as a new tax any more than he saw college tuition increases last year as a new tax.

But the bigger question is one of constitutionality, both state and federal.

“Many of those employees already have ‘vested’ rights in their retirement benefits,” Rougeou said. “To change provisions such as those targeted would violate the (U.S.) constitutional restriction against impairing existing benefits. She cited Article X, Section 29(B) of the State Constitution which says “…membership in any retirement system of the state…shall be a contractual relationship between employee and employer.”

“And of course the U.S. Constitution in Article 1, Section 10, Clause 1, states, ‘No state shall…pass any…ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts…’” she said.

“Proposing changes that are unconstitutional attains only protracted litigation and doesn’t result in a sound pension system,” she said.

She said Jindal should not count on using any of the anticipated $450 million in taxpayer savings resulting from his pension reform to help balance the budget because there will be court challenges if the administration is successful in getting the bills passed.

One must be starting to wonder by now just how many more shell games Jindal will introduce to cover his budgetary backside. Retirement and the privatization of the Office of Group Benefits, state prisons and Medicaid are all on the table this year, so what financial wizardry will he conjure up for the next three years?

Read Full Post »

« Newer Posts - Older Posts »