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Archive for the ‘Retirement’ Category

Don’t let the fact that Gov. Bobby Jindal appears not to have a clue about his state employee retirement reform package fool you. While the governor appears to be backing down on parts of his controversial retirement bills, one strategy clearly has not changed: divide and conquer.

More about that later.

On the heels of a 38-page analysis of the retirement bills which would require state employees to contribute 3 percent more, work longer and accept fewer benefits, Jindal’s office launched a petulant “official response” via his favorite medium, the Baton Rouge Business Report.

The report, by the Dallas law firm Strasburger & Price, said that virtually all components of the retirement bills would be ruled unconstitutional if subjected to legal challenges.

Not so, sniffed Jindal through his press office, and here’s where things get a bit dicey—for the governor.

First, the response to the Strasburger report, ordered by Legislative Auditor Daryl Purpera, said that the firm “relied on a vague conceptual understanding of the proposals, without an actual analysis of the bill text.”

That allegation could just as easily be directed at the governor’s office, based on Jindal’s response and what followed a scant week later.

“We’re open to compromise,” said Jindal’s deputy chief of staff, Kristy Nichols.

Really?

When has Jindal ever compromised on anything?

Perhaps a better question: why would Jindal compromise on anything given his track record?

Even better, after his insistence a week earlier that “The reforms are constitutional,” why would he suddenly change direction?

The answer to all three questions has to be that someone—perhaps someone who actually read the state and U.S. constitutions—whispered in Jindal’s ear that his “reforms,” if passed, would be in for a long, hard—and losing—fight.

But maybe we should examine the nuances of the latest developments—including glaring contradictions between the governor’s “official response” and his latest “compromise” offering.

Remember when that Business Report response trumpeted that there is “nothing in the bill” which directs employee contributions to the general fund? “The employee contributions would go, as always, to the retirement system,” it said.

The official response also said, “The 3 percent employee contribution bill is not a tax and is clearly not revenue-raising. The employee contributions remain the employee’s own money; the employee receives the contributions back either in the form of retirement benefits or as a refund of contributions upon termination of employment.”

Okay, let’s break down the shell game—and make no mistake about it, these bills are nothing more than a not-so-elaborate shell game.

It turns out, thanks to Jindal’s subsequent but inadvertent admission, the 3 percent additional employee contribution indeed would have gone toward employee retirement. But before we grovel at Jindal’s feet in abject contrition, it also turns out that that additional 3 percent would have corresponded to a 3 percent reduction in the state’s contribution and it was that 3 percent that was to go to the general fund.

Tomato, tomahto.

And there’s another awfully charitable compromise offer by the governor, necessitated, no doubt, by pure old-fashioned embarrassment. Jindal has said he will ask lawmakers to include the governor so that he, too, would be subject to the 3 percentage point increase in his retirement cost.

Terribly sporting of you, Guv. But why did you wait until after LouisianaVoice broke the story of your purchasing back 2.2 years of time and the fact that you and other statewide elected officials were exempt from the 3 percent increase? Afraid that doesn’t pass the smell test, much less the open and accountable transparency test.

Well, on second thought, it is pretty transparent.

And then there is that nagging little requirement that employees work until age 67 to qualify for retirement benefits. That, too, has been scrubbed, though not scuttled completely, by the governor in his newborn spirit of compromise.

Under Jindal’s revised plan, employees would be able to retire as early as 55 as they currently are, depending on years of service, with full retirement benefits based on contributions already made into the retirement system. Additional benefits accrued after the bill would take effect, however, could only be collected at a full rate at age 67 or older. If the employee sought to collect the additional befits before age 67, they would be at a reduced rate.

Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS) deputy director Maris LeBlanc, however said the general feeling is that there would still be the same question of constitutionality because even in its revised form, the retirement plan proposed would break an employment contract. “I would think that would be subject to challenge,” she said.

Of course, the question remains over whether or not the additional 3 percent contribution would constitute an employee tax. If so, it would be in violation of the state constitution because no tax issue can be passed in an even-numbered year.

Now, though, Nichols says that Jindal would support an amendment that would apply the 3 percent to pay down the state’s multibillion-dollar retirement cost-instead of the money going into the general fund. Someone either lied or didn’t know what he/she was talking about in that Business Report official response. It’s that simple.

Is the governor really saying now that after the legislature reneged on its obligations all these years to pay down the retirement funds’ unfunded accrued liability (UAL), that state employees will be asked to chip in an additional 3 percent to make up for what amounts to negligence and fraud on the part of legislators in years past—while not realizing additional retirement benefits?

That’s the way it all shakes out: a shakedown. Think Deduct Box of days of yore.

Not much of a compromise at all for state employees.

But if you think all that is smoke and mirrors, let’s take a look at the divide and conquer strategy.

“We’re drowning in debt, and our pension systems are unsustainable,” Nichols said last week.

Jindal has said repeatedly that the proposed retirement changes would help reduce the costs of pension programs (note the plural use of the word programs as opposed to the singular application in the bills) that have a combined UAL of more than $18 billion.

“The legislature has a constitutional mandate to maintain a sustainable retirement system—an obligation which exists both to protect the retirement system and taxpayers,” the administration said in its response to the Strasburger report.

Good political rhetoric that sounds reassuring on the surface. But let’s peel back a layer or two.

Remember that UAL in excess of $18 billion?

There are four retirement systems: LASERS, the Teachers Retirement System of Louisiana (TRSL), the Louisiana School Employees Retirement System (LSERS), and the Louisiana State Police Retirement System (LSPRS).

The LASERS UAL is $6.3 billion, only about a third of the total, and is 57.7 percent funded, second only to LSERS, which is 61 percent funded and which has a UAL of $863 million. The state police system has a UAL of $313 million and is 55.6 percent funded.

TRSL, by comparison, has a UAL of $10.8 billion and its 54.4 percent funding, the lowest percentage of the four.

Yet, Jindal, who says, “We must act now in order to keep our promise to workers, protect critical services…and protect future generations from more debt and higher taxes,” addresses only LASERS in his proposed pension reform. As in singular.

Could there be a reason for not including the other three systems?

Simple logic would seem to dictate that the burden be shared proportionately between teachers, civil service employees, school employees and state police.

But logic has never held a place of prominence in this administration.

Ulterior motive, however, is quite another matter.

Nichols, speaking in a telephone conference with reporters last Friday, was unable to go into details about the governor’s revised plan because “specifics were not available.”

That certainly has a familiar ring to it. Seems the recently passed education bills also were sorely lacking in specifics—not that it mattered to legislators who fell into line like so many sheep.

But just as you learned here of the governor’s purchase of those 2.2 years of time and of his being exempted from the 3 percent increase in contributions, remember that we were the first to warn you about the divide and conquer tactic.

It’s more important than ever that state employees, teachers and school employees show a united front.

Who knows who would be next on Jindal’s hit list?

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“We must act now in order to keep our promise to workers, protect critical services like higher education and healthcare and protect future generations from more debt and higher taxes.”

–Gov. Bobby Jindal, in his response to a study by Dallas law firm Strasburger & Price which said virtually all the provisions of Jindal’s proposed state employee retirement reforms are unconstitutional.

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Gov. Bobby Jindal appears to be whistling past the graveyard.

Until Friday, precious little in the way of any explanation of the plethora of retirement bills introduced during this legislative session has emanated from the fourth floor. Instead, the governor, as is his wont, has allowed his lackeys in the House and Senate to carry the water for him.

Not even protestations from Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees’ Retirement System (LASERS) or from Frank Jobert, executive director of the Retired State Employees Association of Louisiana (RSEAL) could evoke a response from Jindal.

The mood throughout the administration appeared to be “Let them eat cake.”

But now a prestigious Dallas law firm has weighed in on the retirement bills that would have state employees work longer, pay more in contributions and get less in retirement benefits, saying, in effect, that virtually all the proposals are unconstitutional and most likely would not stand up in court.

Suddenly, the governor is squealing like the proverbial stuck pig.

And who does he squeal to? None other than the one publication in Louisiana that can be counted on to blithely endorse any utterance from Piyush Jindal: The Baton Rouge Business Report.

Why the Business Report? That’s easy. Publisher Rolfe McCollister, Jr., has poured $17,000 into Jindal’s campaign coffers since 1973. Julio Melara, president of Louisiana Business, Inc., under whose application the Business Report was incorporated, has chipped in another $7,500 since 2007. Stephen McCollister, the registered agent for Louisiana Business, was good for another $1,000 since 2007.

“Opponents to reform threaten lots of lawsuits,” sniffed the governor in his official response through his PR firm,…er, the Business Report.

“Every time the status quo knows reform is on the horizon, they sue or threaten a lawsuit,” he continued. “The report is filled with errors and bases their conclusions on cases from other states which are completely unrelated to Louisiana case law.”

Okay, let’s break these paragraphs down. First of all, the Legislative Auditor’s office went out of state to retain a law firm that does not have a dog in this hunt. Strasburger & Price, a Dallas law firm with offices in Austin, Houston, San Antonio, New York and Washington, D.C., certainly has no axe to grind in the Louisiana retirement issue.

Second, Jindal says the Strasburger report bases its conclusions on cases from other states. We respectfully refer the govern to Rachal, Regan v. State (2009), Hare v. Hodgins (1991), Parochial Employees’ Retirement System v. Caddo Parish Commission (1996), Segura v. Frank (1994), Board of Commissioners of Orleans Levee District v. Department of Natural Resources and Bourgeois v A.P. Green Indus, Inc. (2001), all Louisiana cases specifically cited in the Strasburger report.

Insofar as the 18 cases cited from other states, almost without exception, those cases turned on the U.S. Constitution, so it would be difficult to claim they are unrelated to Louisiana case law since the Strasburger report cited both the state and U.S. constitutions as the basis of its conclusions.

Of course, Jindal, as might be expected, claims the proposed reforms are constitutional because the legislature “has a constitutional mandate to maintain a sustainable retirement system—an obligation which exists both to protect the retirement system and taxpayers.”

No argument there. But tell us, Governor, what became of that constitutional mandate for the legislature to maintain a sustainable retirement system? The record, we believe, shows clearly that it was the legislature, not state employees that played a major role in digging this financial hole.

This is the same constitutional expert governor whose “most ethical administration in the state’s history” stumbled out of the starting gate and was tagged for an ethics violation fine early in his first term.

Jindal then proceeds to roll out a laundry list of supposed errors contained in the report, accusing the report’s authors of relying on a “vague conceptual understanding of the proposals, without an actual analysis of the bill text.”

Really? How would he know there was no “actual analysis” of the bill?

Jindal claims benefits are not retroactively changed, that the proposed 3 percent additional employee contribution is not being directed into the state general fund and that the additional 3 percent contribution is not a tax (though former House Speaker Jim Tucker said otherwise last year).

Those claims have been circulating all over the state for weeks from internet bloggers to legislators opposed to the bills. It seems strange that only now does the governor’s office make any effort, albeit a feeble effort, to refute the Strasburger study and to explain the bill.

Would someone from Jindal’s office now step forward and prevail upon the governor to explain why the administration has allowed these so-called “misconceptions” proliferate for so long with no effort to be “transparent and accountable?”

And would you please do that through some medium other than the governor’s personal PR firm, aka the Baton Rouge Business Report?

Or he can just continue whistling past the graveyard.

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“The former notion that pension benefits were a voluntary gift from the employer (and thus subject to revision or termination at the employer’s sole discretion) has since yielded to an understanding that pension benefits comprise an essential component of public employee compensation and that public employees have a significant contractual interest in these benefits.”

–Legal analysis of pending retirement bills by the Dallas law firm Strasburger & Price commissioned by the Legislative Auditor’s office, citing a Louisiana court case (Bowen v. Board of Trustees Police Pension fund) which contradicts the philosophy of the administration that it has carte blanche to trifle with state employee pensions without regard to the resultant devastation inflicted upon thousands of lives.

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A comprehensive legal analysis commissioned by Legislative Auditor Daryl Purpera concludes there is substantial legal precedent for successful litigation against the state should Gov. Bobby Jindal’s sweeping retirement bills be passed by the legislature and subsequently signed into law.

That, of course, raises yet another issue altogether: will Purpera be “Teagued” for having the audacity to order such a study that takes issue with the governor who has already demonstrated in no uncertain terms that dissent will not be tolerated.

Purpera works for the legislature, which would normally indicate that he is protected from the wrath of the governor but in light of Jindal’s curiously dominating stranglehold on a weak-willed, spineless and compliant legislature, who knows?

The report also said that any litigation “would likely ensue in state as opposed to federal court due to Eleventh Amendment restrictions upon suing states in federal court.” It did, however, note that exceptions to the Eleventh Amendment restrictions could allow plaintiffs to bring suit in federal court “under certain circumstances.”

The analysis was performed by the Strasburger & Price law firm of Dallas and which also has offices in Houston, San Antonio, Austin, New York and Washington, D.C.

It cites case law in no fewer than 18 other states where courts overturned legislative efforts to alter state retirement programs in mid-stream.

It also cited the Louisiana Constitution, which says, “Membership in any retirement system of the state or of a political subdivision thereof shall be a contractual relationship between employee and employers, and the state shall guarantee benefits payable to a member of a state retirement system or retiree or to his lawful beneficiary upon his death.”

It also said that Louisiana courts employ a four-part test in determining whether a contract violates the state and U.S. constitutional prohibitions on impairing the obligations of contracts:

• The reviewing court must determine whether the state law would, in fact, impair a contractual relationship;

• If the court finds impairment, it must determine whether the impairment is of constitutional dimensions;

• If the state regulation constitutes a substantial impairment, the court must determine whether a significant and legitimate public purpose justifies the regulation, and

• If a significant and legitimate public purpose exists, the court then determines whether the adjustment to the rights and responsibilities of the contracting parties is based upon reasonable conditions and is of a character appropriate to the public purpose justifying the legislation’s adoption.

Courts, the report said, generally defer to the legislature when dealing with economic regulation between private parties but “such complete deference is not appropriate when the state is a party to a contract because its own self-interest is at stake” as is the case of contracts with state employees.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the state “must overcome a significant burden to justify drastic changes in contractual pension benefits. Simple presumptions of reasonableness or necessity, which are at the core of legislative deference, cannot stand.”

It also has held that if contract rights are taken for some public benefit, “there must be just compensation.” That ruling would seem to apply to the bill to increase employee contributions by 3 percent, the proceeds of which would go into the general fund and not to help erase the pension’s unfunded accrued liability or to increase retirement benefits.

That same U.S. Supreme Court ruling said, “A state may not refuse to meet its legitimate financial obligations simply because it would prefer to spend the money to promote the public good rather than the private welfare of its creditors.”

The 38-page report, released Wednesday by Purpera’s office, says the proposed legislation “poses issues under both the United States and Louisiana Constitutions” which protects public pension benefits from impairment caused by diminished benefits, from depriving employees of property rights without due process, from the divesting of public employee benefits without just compensation and against public officials for enforcing unconstitutional laws.

It also said the state “must overcome a significant burden to justify drastic changes in contractual pension benefits. Simple presumptions of reasonableness or necessity, which are at the core of legislative deference, cannot stand.

“The pending public pension bills are most vulnerable to both U.S. and Louisiana constitutional Contract Clause scrutiny, though the other potential challengers have significant merit, as well,” the report’s executive summary said.

HB 56 and SB 52, which would increase employee contributions by 3 percent, “face an initial potential state constitutional challenge as tax bills,” the report said, in that the State Constitution prohibits the legislature from enacting tax bills during a regular session convened in even-numbered years. “These bills seeking to increase employee contribution rates may be characterized as ‘tax’ bills—a ‘tax’ being defined as a monetary charge imposed by government on persons and others to yield public revenue.

“If the state deposits funds from increased employee contributions into the state general fund, a stronger argument exists that they yield public revenue and thus that the legislation constitutes a ‘tax’ bill prohibited in the 2012 session (and) may also violate IRS rules for qualified benefit plans,” the report said. “Any legislative attempt to increase employee contribution rates faces almost certain litigation and a reasonable likelihood of being held unconstitutional.”

While the Strasburger paper did not say so, the imposition of the additional 3 percent contribution as a condition of continued employment doesn’t seem too far removed from the nasty words kickback and extortion: “I’ll pay you X dollars, but you gotta give back Y dollars to go into the company bank account, or we’ll just hire someone else.”

“As currently drafted, each bill, except the one merging two pension systems (The Louisiana Teachers Retirement System, LTRS, and the Louisiana School Employees’ Retirement System, LSERS), retroactively impairs or diminishes accrued pension benefits contrary to the guarantees” contained in the U.S. Constitution.

The bills addressed by the Strasburger study include those which would:

• Increase the minimum retirement age;

• Increase employee contributions;

• Iincrease the number of years used to calculate final employee average compensation, and,

• Merge the two independent public retirement systems.

The executive summary said challenges would most likely allege violations under Article X, Paragraph 29 of the Louisiana Constitution which protects public pension benefits, the Contract Clause within both the Louisiana and U.S. Constitutions (which prohibits contract impairment due to diminished benefits), the Taking Clause of both the state and U.S. constitutions (prohibiting the reduction of public employee benefits without just compensation), and the Due Process clauses of both documents for depriving employees of property rights without due process.

The report said that while the bills proposing to merge LTRS and LSERS appear benign on the surface in that they seek “only a merger of administrative functions,” they also “contain a directive to study a future merger of plan assets, suggesting the legislature’s intent to merge the funding aspects of the two systems in the not too distant future.

“Any such merger attempt could, in contrast, raise the likelihood of being challenged as unconstitutional,” it said. “This would have a negative effect on the actuarial soundness of the disparately-funded system,” which, it said, is constitutionally “guaranteed.”

Specifically cited in the report were, other than in Louisiana, cases in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Hawaii, Illinois, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Washington and West Virginia. In each state, courts overturned attempts to alter state employee retirement benefits, deeming them to be contracts that could not legally or constitutionally be impaired.

“Therefore, we conclude that House Bills 53, 55 and 56 and Senate Bills 51, 52, 42 and 47, in their current form, face a likelihood of being challenged in the courts,” the executive summary said.

“If such challenges occur, we think it more likely than not that a court will rule each then-adopted bill as unconstitutional to the degree such bills affect the accrued benefits of current members and retirees.”

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