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And so it came to pass that LouisianaVoice’s June 20 story about course providers as allowed by HB 976 (Act 2) of this year’s regular legislative session is playing out precisely as we said it would: the hogs are already bellying up to the buffet.

Course providers, you may recall, are the new kids on the education block who are crowding in for their slice of education funds pie by teaching virtual classes online. They don’t have classrooms but at least there’s no bus for students to catch.

The early submission deadline for potential course providers was Aug. 17 and the early Department of Education (DOE) review to accept, defer or reject applicants is Sept. 14. The interview of applicants who have been tentatively approved will begin on Sept. 18 and DOE is scheduled to post the accepted applications online by Sept. 28.

There were 25 applicants as of Tuesday, Aug. 21, according to documents provided by DOE.

The Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence Act, as HB 976 is officially known, directs the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) to create a “reciprocal teacher certification process” for teachers who reside in other states by next January.

Under terms of the act, postsecondary education institutions may serve as quality course providers for students who seek advanced level course work or technical or vocational instruction. Because “technical” and “vocational” were included in the bill’s language, that could mean that “postsecondary education institutions” would include not only traditional universities and colleges, but individuals, vocational and technical schools and proprietary schools.

But the bill goes on to specify that business and industry may also serve as “quality course providers that offer course work in their particular field of expertise.”

Courses would be available to students attending a public school that receives a letter grade of “C,” “D,” or “R,” or who is attending a public school that does not offer the course in which a student desires to enroll, the act says.

The 25 applicants and courses offered include:

• ATS Project Success, Clinton Township, Michigan (K-12 online, English/language arts, math, science, social studies);

• McKinney Byrd Academy, Shreveport (high school, career and technical education/apprentice (CTE) program, business tech and computer apps, hospitality, early childhood, urban farming/landscaping and hair care techniques);

• Lincoln National Academy, Dallas (high school core and elective courses including career and technical education courses);

• Pelican Chapter, Associated Builders and Contractors, Baton Rouge and Westlake (online, face-to-face courses in carpentry, electrical, instrumentation, heavy equipment, millwright, mobile crane, pipefitting, welding);

• Work Ready Education and Career Services, Philadelphia, PA. (comprehensive core curriculum and career and technical education courses);

• Plato Learning, Bloomington, MN. (K-12, CTE, advanced placement (AP), full curriculum of courses);

• iSpace Educational Services, dba iSpace, Inc., of Princeton, N.J. (grades 3-6);

• Louisiana Education Television Authority/Louisiana Public Broadcasting, Baton Rouge (AP, French I and II, Spanish I and II, Fine Arts Survey and Environmental Science);

• Bayard Management Group, Slidell (face to face, East Baton Rouge, East Feliciana, Livingston, St. Tammany, Orleans, Tangipahoa and Washington parishes);

• JRL Enterprises, New Orleans (online K-12);

• Educational Bedrock, Inc., Baton Rouge (corporate/industry, East Baton Rouge, Baker, Zachary, St. Helena—math, engineering prep and internships in welding, carpentry, electrical, auto technology, pharmacy, cosmetology, dental assistant);

• Princeton Review, Farmington, MA, not affiliated with Princeton University (ACT prep);

• Cyber Innovation Center, Bossier City (variety of innovative Science, Technology, Engineering and Math Education (STEM) courses);

• Multiple Teaching Systems, Baton Rouge (K-8 curriculum);

• Scholar Apprentice Tutoring, Baton Rouge (array of career and technical education offerings);

• Sylvan Learning (ACT and AP tutoring, credit recovery courses);

• K12, Herndon, VA. (comprehensive high school academic offerings, including AP course offerings);

• EducateMe, Fairfield NJ (education software for schools);

• Florida Virtual School, Orlando, FL (“extremely broad” array of core curriculum and AP course offerings);

• Apex Learning, Mandeville (headquarters Seattle, WA) (“very extensive” array of core curriculum courses);

• Southern University, Baton Rouge (“very broad array” of academic and elective courses, middle school through college credit);

• Head First, North Miami Beach, FL (broad array of academic and career and technical education courses);

• mSchool, no address (grade 6-12 math curricula);

• Gerald “Jude” Dubois, Vermilion Parish educational entrepreneur (math);

• Connections Education, Baltimore, MD (three applications covering AP offerings across a number of academic subjects and core curriculum course offerings).

HB 976 contains an extra incentive to attract online course providers: “The course provider shall receive a course amount for each eligible funded student” at an amount equal to the market rate “as determined by the course provider” and reported to DOE.

Simply stated, course providers are given carte blanche to set their own rates.

And to hedge their bets, some providers took the added precaution of greasing skids in the form of campaign contributions. Here are a few of those:

Pelican Chapter of Associated Builders and Contractors:

• Rep. Neil Abramson (D-New Orleans)—$2500;

• BESE member Holly Boffy—$5000;

• Rep. Stephen Carter (R-Baton Rouge)—$10,000;

• Rep. Simone Champagne (R-Erath)—$2250;

• Sen. Dan Claitor (R-Baton Rouge)—$500;

• Sen. A.G. Crowe (R-Slidell)—$1000;

• Former Sen. Ann Duplessis (D-New Orleans)—$3000;

• Former Rep. Noble Ellington (R-Winnsboro)—$3500;

• Sen. Dale Erdy (R-Livingston)—$500;

• Rep. Jim Fannin (D-Jonesboro)—$500;

• Rep. Franklin Foil (R-Baton Rouge)—$2250;

• BESE member James Garvey—$5000;

• Rep. Ray Garofalo, Jr. (R-Chalmette)—$5000;

• Rep. Hunter Greene (R-Baton Rouge)—$1000;

• Former Sen. Nick Gautreaux (D-Meaux)—$500;

• Rep. Mickey Guillory (D-Eunice)—$2500;

• BESE member Jay Guillot (R-Ruston)—$5000;

• Former Rep. Ricky Hardy (D-Lafayette)—2500;

• Rep. Kenneth Havard (R-Jackson)—$2500;

• Rep. Lowell Hazel (R-Pineville)—$2500;

• BESE member Carolyn Hill—$5000;

• Rep. Valarie Hodges (R-Denham Springs)—$2500;

• Rep. Frank Hoffman (R-West Monroe)—$2250;

• Rep. Dalton Honoré (D-Baton Rouge)—2250;

• Former Rep. Michael Jackson (D-Baton Rouge)—2500;

• House Speaker Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles)—$500;

• Sen. Robert Kostelka (R-Monroe)—$500;

• Rep. Anthony Ligi (R-Metairie)—$3500;

• Sen. Gerald Long (R-Natchitoches)—2500;

• Former Rep. Nickie Monica (R-LaPlace)—1000;

• Former Rep. Rickey Nowlin (R-Natchitoches)—$1750;

• BESE member Kira Orange Jones—$10,000;

• Sen. Jonathan Perry (R-Kaplan)—2250;

• Former Rep. Clifton Richardson (R-Greenwell Springs)—$2500;

• Sen. Neil Riser (R-Columbia)—$500;

• Rep. Joel Robideaux (R-Lafayette)—$2250;

• BESE member Chas Roemer—$10,000;

• Former Sen. Craig Romero (R-New Iberia)—$500;

• Former Rep. Errol Romero (D-New Iberia)—$500;

• Rep. Clay Schexnayder (R-Sorrento)—$2500;

• Rep. Alan Seabaugh (R-Shreveport)—$2500;

• Former Rep. Mert Smiley (R-St. Amant)—$500;

• Rep. Patricia Smith (D-Baton Rouge)—$2500;

• Sen. Richard Ward (D-Port Allen)—1000;

• Sen. Robert Adley (R-Benton)—$500;

Cyber Innovations officers:

• Rep. Henry Burns (R-Haughton)—$500;

• Former Rep. Jane Smith (R-Bossier City)—$500;

• Gov. Piyush Jindal—$1000;

Sylvan Learning Center officers:

• Gov. Piyush Jindal—$1000;

K12:

• Sen. President John Alario (R-Westwego)—$500;

• BESE member Holly Boffy—$1000;

• Sen. Dan Claitor—$500;

• Sen. Jean-Paul Morrell (D-New Orleans)—$500;

• House Speaker Kleckley—$500;

• Gov. Jindal—$5000;

• Rep. Walt Leger, III (D-New Orleans)—$500;

• Rep. Daniel Martiny (R-Metairie)—$500;

• Sen. Jonathan Perry—$500;

• South PAC, East PAC, North PAC and West PAC—$10,000;

JRL Enterprises:

• Gov. Jindal—$5000;

iSpace:

• Sen. A.G. Crowe—$1500;

• Gov. Jindal—$3200.

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You’ve seen them mostly in the seedier parts of town, those quickie payday loan storefront operations that specialize in small, short-term, high-interest loans against a customer’s next paycheck. Their clientele consists mainly of the working poor who, for whatever reason, can’t quite make that last paycheck stretch to the next one.

Louisiana has 18.7 percent of its families living below the poverty line, third-highest in the country. The state also ranked third in the nation in the percentage of households earning less than $35,000 (33.3 percent).

Not surprisingly, Louisiana has the fifth-highest payday loan usage rate in the nation at 10 percent.

Louisiana allows lenders to charge annual rates of up to 567 percent for a two-week, $100 payday loan. Most borrowers do not understand the true cost of the loans and use them for recurring expenses rather than one-time uses.

Incredibly, of the nine states with the most payday lending in the U.S. Louisiana, with 2,059, had the highest number of payday lending storefronts.

Texas, ranked ninth in payday loan usage at 8 percent, has 1800 payday lending storefronts and Missouri has 1,275. The next highest number of payday loan outlets was 781 in Kentucky.

The rankings of the nine states with the highest percentage of payday storefront activity, in order, are Oklahoma, Missouri, Washington, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky and Texas.

About 120 million payday loans, with an average interest rate of 455 percent, are made in the U.S. to low-income customers each year. The Center for Responsible Lending found that 76 percent of the $3.5 billion payday loan volume comes from “churning,” which is repeat borrowing by customers who paid off their loans but because of high interest rates, are forced to borrow again before their next paycheck.

Many of the payday lenders, who are financed by the nation’s larger banking institutions, have upped the ante in lobbying and campaign donations in response to the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) which is attempting to pass more rigorous regulations the industry.

So it should come as no surprise that recipients of the biggest campaign donations from the payday loan industry are Reps. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), vice chair of the House Financial Services Committee and Spencer Bachus (R-Alabama), chairman of the House Financial Service Committee, and Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Alabama), ranking member of the Senate Banking Committee.

In April, all that lobbying and financial investment in the legislative process paid huge dividends when the House Financial Services Committee voted to gut the CFPB budget.

But those are not the only beneficiaries of the payday loan industry’s largesse.

Louisiana got in on the action in a big way.

Cash America of Fort Worth (with five convenient locations in Baton Rouge) contributed $38,500 to 17 legislators and former legislators, a mayor, the Louisiana Republican Party and Gov. Piyush Jindal. And that’s just in Louisiana. Nationwide, Cash America has spent $707,000 on political campaign contributions in the first seven months of this year alone.

The breakdown of Louisiana contributions by Cash America is as follows:

• Gov. Piyush Jindal: $7500;

• Senate President John Alario (R-Westwego): $1500;

• Sen. Conrad Appel (R-Metairie): $500;

• Rep. Jeff Arnold (D-New Orleans): $1000;

• Sen. Norbert Chabert (R-Houma): $500;

• Former Sen. Joel Chaisson (D-Destrehan), now St. Charles Parish District Attorney: $500;

• Sen. A.G. Crowe (R-Slidell): $1500;

• Former Sen. Ann Duplessis (D-New Orleans): $1500;

• Former Sen. Nick Gautreaux (D-Meaux): $1000;

• Sen. David Heitmeier (D-New Orleans): $500;

• House Speaker Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles): $1000;

• Rep. Joseph Lopinto (R-Metairie): $500;

• Former Sen. Rob Marionneaux (D-Livonia): $500;

• Sen. Daniel Martiny (R-Metairie): $1500;

• Former Sen. Mike Michot (R-Lafayette): $3000;

• Sen. John Smith (R-Leesville): $500;

• Sen. Francis Thompson (D-Delhi): $500;

• Former House Speaker Jim Tucker (R-River Ridge): $500;

• Mayor Cedric Glover (D-Shreveport): $5000;

• The Louisiana Republican Party: $5,000;

Payday One of California also contributed an additional $5000 to Jindal and Paycheck Loans contributed $3000 to Rep. James Armes (D-Leesville).

A few members of the Louisiana congressional delegation also got a share of the booty:

• Republican Sen. David Vitter: two separate donations of $2000 each in 2010 and 2012;

• Former Republican Cong. Richard Baker who served as chairman of the House Financial Services Capital Markets Subcommittee: $4000 in 2006 and another $1000 in 2008;

• Former Democratic Cong. Charles Melancon: $500 in 2004;

• Former State Sen. Willie Mount (D-Lake Charles), who lost her bid for Congress: $500 in 2004;

• Democratic Sen. Mary Landrieu: $1000 in 2002.

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The Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget (JLCB) Tuesday voted 37-3 (16-0 by Senate members and 21-3 by the House members) to name former legislative staffer John Carpenter to the position of interim Legislative Fiscal Officer pending the naming of a permanent replacement for retired Gordon Monk by next January.

Carpenter recently resigned as Chief Administrative Officer to Baton Rouge Mayor Kip Holden. Before joining Holden’s administration, he spent 25 years working for the state House of Representatives.

Early reports speculated that Jindal Deputy Chief of Staff Kristy Nichols would be named to the post and even though her name was not mentioned, a former employee of Gov. Piyush Jindal’s administration was named to the post. Carpenter spent a year with Jindal’s Division of Administration.

Carpenter is widely regarded as an able replacement for Monk because of his past experience in working with legislators and administration officials alike. He is considered as both knowledgeable and professional by both camps.

Jindal’s rumored effort to place Nichols in the position would have stirred even more resentment among legislators who have seen all semblance of independence steadily erode during Jindal’s tenure. Unlike any other governor, Jindal was able to name both the Speaker of the House and the Senate President and a compliant Legislature has acquiesced in every instance.

Monk, after 33 years in state government, finally became fed up earlier this month and announced his retirement citing increased workload, pressure, stress and infighting among legislators. He said the session, which began on March 12 with 18-hour days and ended on June 4 with budget battles, convinced him to walk away.

He announced on Aug. 3 that his last day would be Aug. 8 and the JLCB was originally scheduled to name his interim replacement on Aug. 6 but that announcement was delayed twice.
Though the position of Legislative Fiscal Officer is one of the more low-profile positions in state government, the Legislative Fiscal Office (LFO) is one of the more important agencies in state government.

The LFO, a counterpart to the State Budget Office, is responsible for analyzing the governor’s revenue and spending proposals for the Legislature and is charged with generating fiscal notes on every bill filed in order to provide legislators with its analysis of the potential financial impact of proposed laws. In theory, the LFO is independent but in reality, it answers to the House Speaker and Senate Presidents.
Fiscal notes that reflect potential financial impact considered too high have been known to kill bills in the past.

It is those fiscal notes that have generated considerable consternation in the governor’s office as more than once its projected financial impact has clashed with Jindal’s and word around the Capitol is that the governor wants to control the LFO so that he can also control the all-important fiscal notes.

Employees are required to be present during the session, often working to midnight, to address questions about bills from legislators. The pace was stepped up this year when Jindal pushed through the majority of his education package before Easter.

Senate President John Alario (R-Westwego) indicated last week that the interim appointee will not be one of the existing employees—including Staff Director Evan Brasseaux and Chief Economist Greg Albrecht. Albrecht, however, recently crossed Jindal by contradicting the governor’s rose economic outlook by depicting the state as still struggling to recover from the recession. That flash of independence probably doomed his chances—even if Jindal had not already decided on Nichols.

Alario also said it was his intention that the interim appointee not be a candidate for the permanent position and Carpenter, who will earn $153,000 per year—the same as Monk—in his temporary position, confirmed he would not apply when asked by committee members.

Alario resisted efforts by several committee members, mostly from among House members, to set a firm date by which a permanent fiscal officer would be named though he did intimate that he hoped it would be by Jan. 15.

Reps. Jim Fannin (D-Jonesboro), chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, Patricia Smith (D-Baton Rouge) and Edward James (D-Baton Rouge) pushed for a deadline of Oct. 1 for the issuance of a request for proposals (RFP) in order to begin receiving applications but Oct. 15 was the deadline chosen for the RFP.

Alario said that it would require a majority vote of both the Senate and House for the naming of a permanent Legislative Fiscal Officer but only after candidates are interviewed by both the JLCB and the House Appropriations Committee.

The three committee members who voted against Carpenter’s interim appointment included Reps. John Schroder (R-Covington), James Morris (R-Oil City), and Brett Geymann (R-Lake Charles).

Voting yes were Sens. Jack Donahue (R-Mandeville), chairman, Bret Allain (R-Franklin), Sherri Smith Buffington (R-Keithville), Norby Chabert (R-Houma), Dan Claitor (R-Baton Rouge), Ronnie Johns (R-Lake Charles), Gerald Long (R-Natchitoches), Fred Mills, Jr., (R-New Iberia), Dan “Blade” Morrish (R-Jennings), Ed Murray (D-New Orleans), Neil Riser (R-Columbia), Greg Tarver (D-Shreveport), Francis Thompson (D-Delhi), Michael Walsworth (R-West Monroe), Mack “Bodi” White (R-Central), and Sharon Weston Broome (D-Baton Rouge).

House members voting in favor of Carpenter’s appointment were Speaker Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles), James Armes, III (D-Leesville), John Berthelot (R-Gonzales), Robert Billiot (D-Westwego), Rep. Patrick Williams (D-Shreveport), Henry Burns (R-Haughton), Roy Burrell (D-Shreveport), Simone Champagne (R-Erath), Charles Chaney (R-Rayville), Patrick Connick (R-Marrero), Fannin, Franklin Foil (R-Baton Rouge), Lance Harris (R-Alexandria), Cameron Henry (R-Metairie), Walt Leger, III (D-New Orleans), Anthony Ligi (R-Metairie), Jr., Jack Montoucet (D-Crowley), J. Rogers Pope (R-Denham Springs), Smith, and Ledricka Johnson Thierry (D-Opelousas).

Members absent from the meeting were Reps. Jared Brosset (D-New Orleans), Joseph Harrison (R-Gray), Bob Hensgens (R-Abbeville), Katrina Jackson (D-Monroe), Helena Moreno (D-New Orleans) and Joel Robideaux (R-Lafayette).

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The clock has run out on Gov. Bobby Jindal and like the Honey Badger, he’s now yesterday’s news insofar as any aspirations either one may have had for bigger and better things.

Realistically, time had run out on Louisiana’s wunderkind some time ago even though like a loyal trooper, he keeps soldiering on—perhaps hoping for a prestigious cabinet position like Secretary of Health and Human Services, something he denies aspiring to.

“I would not consider a cabinet post,” he sniffed like the spoiled little boy that he is after being passed over for the vice presidential nomination by Mitt Romney. “I consider being the governor of Louisiana to be more important and the best job there is.” Well, it is the only job he has for the moment and if he doesn’t challenge Mary Landrieu in 2014, we’re stuck with him through 2015.

Break out the champagne.

We can only surmise that Secretary of Education is out of the question since both Romney and Paul Ryan advocate that department’s abolishment in favor of state and local control (read: vouchers), although Romney has tempered his position somewhat.

But Jindal’s real quandary is not that he was passed over for vice president, but that he needs desperately to advance his career quickly—before all his “reforms” as governor come crashing down around him, doing even more damage to his reputation than that disastrous response to President Obama’s State of the Union Address in 2009.

That image as the crusading reformer who gets things done against all odds is already beginning to wear thin in Louisiana and it’s only a matter of time before the national media begin to take a critical look at his administration. The Washington Post and New York Times already have.

Beginning with his repeal of the Stelly Plan only a few months into his first term—the move is costing the state about $300 million a year while benefiting only couples earning more than $150,000 per year or individuals making $90,000 per year—through this year’s veto of a car rental tax renewal for New Orleans, Jindal his consistently found ways to cut taxes while doling out tax breaks to corporate entities.

In 2011, the legislature could not muster the votes to override a Jindal veto of a cigarette tax renewal and the renewal had to go before voters in the form of a constitutional amendment—which easily passed.

While he defiantly categorizes tax renewals as “new taxes,” to which he is adamantly opposed, he has no compunctions about cutbacks to higher education that force colleges and universities to increase tuition. He considers the tuition hikes as “fees,” not taxes.

While turning up his nose at federal grants for early childhood development ($60 million), broadband internet installation in rural parishes ($80.6 million) and for a high-speed rail system between Baton Rouge and New Orleans ($300 million), Jindal, upon slashing funding for parish libraries throughout the state, apparently saw no inconsistency in suggesting that the libraries apply for federal monies in lieu of state funding.

The grumblings began ever-so-slowly but they have been growing steadily. The legislature, albeit the right-wing Tea Party splinter clique of the Republican Party, finally stood up to Jindal toward the end of this year’s legislative session and refused to give in on the governor’s efforts to use one-time revenue to close a gaping hole in the state budget.

Other developments that did not bode well for the governor include:

• A state budget that lay in shambles, resulting in mid-year budget cuts of $500 million because of reductions in revenue—due largely to the roughly $5 billion per year in corporate tax breaks;

• Unexpected cuts to the state’s Medicaid program by the federal government which cost the state $859 million, including $329 million the first year to hospitals and clinics run by Louisiana State University—about a quarter of the health system’s annual budget. Those cuts will mean the loss of medical benefits for about 300,000 indigent citizens in Louisiana;

• Failed efforts to privatize state prisons, even though he did manage to close two prison facilities and a state hospital without bothering to notify legislators in the areas affected—a huge bone of contention for lawmakers who, besides having their own feathers ruffled, had to try and explain the sudden turn of events to constituents;

• Revelation that he had refused to return some $55,000 in laundered campaign funds from a St. Tammany bank president;

• Failed efforts to revamp the state employee retirement system for civil service employees. State police were exempted—perhaps because they form his security detail. And despite questions about the tax or Social Security implications, Jindal plans to plunge ahead with implementation of the part of the plan that did pass without the benefit of a ruling by the IRS—a ruling that could ultimately come back to bite him;

• A failed effort by the Sabine River Authority to sell water to a corporation headed up by two major Jindal campaign contributors—Donald “Boysie” Bollinger of Lockport and Aubrey Temple of DeRidder;

• A school voucher system that is nothing less than a train wreck, a political nightmare. State Education Superintendent John White, after Jindal rushed the voucher program through the legislature, rushed the vetting process for the awarding of vouchers through the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education, abetted by members Penny Dastugue, Jay Guillot and Chas Roemer—quickly turning the entire process into a pathetic farce;

• A school in New Orleans run by a man calling himself an “Apostle,” a school in Ruston with no facilities—classrooms, desks, books or teachers—for the 165 vouchers for which the school was approved, tentative approval of vouchers for a school in DeRidder that could not even spell “scholarship” on its sign and for a school in Westlake that teaches that the “Trail of Tears” led many Native Americans to Christianity, that dragons were real, that dinosaurs and humans co-existed at the beginning of time (6,000 years ago, the approximate age of earth, according to its textbooks), that slave owners in America were kind, benevolent masters who treated slaves well, and that the Ku Klux Klan was a helpful reform-minded organization with malice toward none (Don’t laugh, folks; this is what many of these fundamentalist schools who qualified for vouchers are teaching.);

• Then there’s that charter school in Delhi that held girls to a slightly higher standard than boys. Any girl who became pregnant was expelled and any girl even suspected of being pregnant may be ordered to undergo an examination by a doctor of the school’s choice. The boy who gets her pregnant? Nothing. No punishment, no responsibility. Only after being subjected to public exposure, ridicule and criticism did the school alter its policy;

• A state legislator who said she approved of vouchers for Christian schools but not for an Islamic school in New Orleans because this country was founded on the Christian principles of the founding fathers, neglecting for the moment that the founding fathers were for the most part, Deists;

• And to top it all off, White smiles condescendingly and tells us that the criteria applied for approval of vouchers for these schools is part of the “deliberative process,” a catch-all exemption employed by the administration when it doesn’t wish to provide what are clearly public records—an administration, by the way, that touts its so-called “transparency.” Fortunately for the public, the Monroe News-Star is taking White’s pompous behind to court over that decision. (Confidentially, it is the humble opinion of LouisianaVoice that White never had any criteria and that he is creating policy and criteria on the fly because he simply is in way over his inexperienced, unqualified head as the leader of the agency charged with the education of our children. And that perhaps is the most shameful aspect of the entire voucher system and the single biggest act of betrayal on the part of a governor equally overwhelmed by the responsibilities of public office—especially an absentee governor.)

So as the Jindal Express rumbles down the track like a bad motorcycle going 90 miles per hour down a dead-end street (with apologies to Hank Snow) and things begin to unravel on the home front, just where is this absentee governor?

Well, it seems that rather than remain in the state and address the problems that are piling up and growing more complex with each passing day, he seems to prefer to spend his time stumping for Romney—or auditioning for a cabinet position he says he won’t accept—after seeing his chances for the vice presidency fall by the wayside.

A mature governor, a caring governor, a capable governor—one who is truly concerned about the welfare of his state—would defer from flitting all over the country spouting rhetoric on behalf of his presidential candidate in favor of remaining at home and addressing problems that are very real and very important to the people who elected him. Romney, after all, never once voted for Jindal.

There could be only one motive for turning his back on nearly 600,000 voters who first elected him in 2007 and the 673,000 who re-elected him last fall: he doesn’t really care about Louisiana and its people; he cares only about Bobby Jindal and those who can help him in the advancement of his political career.

If Gov. Jindal was truly concerned about the welfare of Louisiana, he certainly would have provided us with an encore of his hurricane and BP spill disaster performances: he would have headed straight to Assumption Parish to grab some TV face time at the Bayou Corne sinkhole and then flown away in a helicopter even as a ghost writer busied himself penning a book sequel: Failed Leadership and Fiscal Crisis: the Crash Landing.

That’s the very least he could do.

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The deteriorating relationship between Gov. Piyush Jindal and the legislature, already strained over the debate about Jindal’s attempt to use one-time revenues to help close a gaping budget hole during the last legislative session, may be about to become even more estranged.

LouisianaVoice has learned from two independent sources that Jindal will likely nominate Deputy Chief of Staff Kristy Nichols to the post of interim Legislative Fiscal Officer to replace the recently-retired Gordon Monk.

One other source, however, said the interim appointee might well be John Carpenter, recently resigned as Chief Administrative Officer to Baton Rouge Mayor Kip Holden. That source said the interim Legislative Fiscal Officer would be appointed only on condition that he/she not apply for the permanent position.

Carpenter worked for more than two decades for the House Fiscal Division and at one time was staff director of the Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget (JLCB), which will make the appointment of Monk’s replacement. Carpenter left the House fiscal post to work for Angéle Davis when she became Commissioner of Administration shortly after Jindal’s inauguration but subsequently left there to work for the Baton Rouge mayor whom he knew from when Holden served in the legislature.

The JLCB meets for two days this week, Tuesday and Wednesday, and sources say the committee will name an interim Legislative Fiscal Officer on Wednesday.

Jindal’s rumored effort to place Nichols in the position, whether on an interim or permanent basis, could be rife with controversy and stir even more resentment among legislators who have seen any semblance of independence from the governor’s office steadily erode during Jindal’s tenure. Unlike any other state, Jindal was able to name both the Speaker of the House and the Senate President and a compliant Legislature has acquiesced in every instance.

Monk, after 33 years in state government, finally became fed up earlier this month and announced his retirement citing increased workload, pressure, stress and infighting among legislators. He said the session, which began on March 12 with 18-hour days and ended on June 4 with budget battles, convinced him to walk away.

He announced on Aug. 3 that his last day would be Aug. 8 and the JLCB was originally scheduled to name his interim replacement on Aug. 6 but that announcement has already been delayed twice, creating speculation that this week’s committee meeting could generate rebellion among committee members.

Though the position of Legislative Fiscal Officer is one of the more low-profile positions in state government, the Legislative Fiscal Office (LFO) is one of the more important agencies in state government.

Employees are required to be present during the session, often working to midnight, to address questions about bills from legislators. The pace was stepped up this year when Jindal pushed through the majority of his education package before Easter.

The LFO, a counterpart to the State Budget Office, is responsible for analyzing the governor’s revenue and spending proposals for the Legislature and is charged with generating fiscal notes on every bill filed in order to provide legislators with its analysis of the potential financial impact of proposed laws. In theory, the LFO is independent but in reality, it answers to the House Speaker and Senate President–both elected at Jindal’s direction.

Fiscal notes that reflect potential financial impact considered too high have been known to kill bills in the past.

It is those fiscal notes that have generated considerable consternation in the governor’s office as more than once the LFO’s projected financial impact has clashed with Jindal’s optimistic projections and word around the Capitol is that the governor wants to control the LFO so that he can also control the all-important fiscal notes.

Senate President John Alario has already confirmed that the interim appointee will not be one of the existing employees—including Staff Director Evan Brasseaux and Chief Economist Greg Albrecht. Albrecht recently crossed Jindal by contradicting the governor’s rosy economic outlook by depicting the state as still struggling to recover from the recession. That flash of independence probably doomed his chances—even if Jindal had not already decided on Nichols.

Nichols previously served as Interim Director of Social Services, as Secretary of the Department of children and Family Services and as a policy advisor on health and social services initiatives to Jindal where she worked on the passage of Jindal’s health care legislative package. Prior to Jindal’s taking office, she served as a policy advisor for his transition team.

She was named to her present position in June of 2010.

She has a bachelor’s of administration in business from the University of Tennessee and a master’s in communication from the University of Louisiana Lafayette.

With her degree in communications, Nichols could likely be counted on to generate fiscal notes that are more governor-friendly.

Just another day of transparency, accountability, good government and selecting appointees “on the basis of what they know, not who they know,” courtesy of Piyush Jindal.

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