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Archive for the ‘Health Care’ Category

Representatives of the Office of Group Benefits (OGB) Customer Service Department have been instructed by the Division of Administration to be patronizing but not necessarily helpful or even supportive to callers concerned about the proposed sale of the agency.

An official memorandum, quoted verbatim below, instructs the OGB Customer Service reps to inform callers that “they have reached the right place,” and further directs them to repeat the same general promises that Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater made to the Senate Retirement Committee during Tuesday’s hearings.

Among those promises are pledges that would seem difficult, if not impossible to make with any certainty once OGB is taken over by a private entity. Those include assurances that members will continue to receive “quality service and coverage regardless of any potential sale,” the continuance of HMO and PPO health plans that will be “the same or better” than those presently offered, and that OGB’s reserve fund (the $500 million surplus) will continue to be used for its “dedicated purpose” to provide health coverage to state employees.

The memo instructs customer service personnel to allow callers to vent “briefly and reasonably,” but personnel are not to “suggest or recommend” that callers contact other agencies or people to voice their concerns.

Callers are to be referred to OGB’s “Latest News” section on the agency’s web page where, the memo says, OGB “will post additional info as it becomes available.”

We can only hope that the web updates will be more informative and forthcoming than was Rainwater at Tuesday’s Retirement Committee hearing.

Finally, calls from reporters or bloggers are to be referred to OGB communications.

Below is the full text of the memorandum:

O.G.B. Response to Calls from Plan Members about Privatization

The Division of Administration (DOA) wants OGB Customer Service to relay this info to plan members who call or write:

Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater wants OGB plan members to know that:

Plan members will continue to receive quality service and coverage regardless of any potential sale and privatization of OGB.

The Division of Administration plans to continue to provide HMO and PPO health plans with a benefit structure that is the same or better than the health plans OGB now offers.

OGB’s reserve fund will continue to be used for the dedicated purpose: to provide health coverage to state employees.

Refer plan members to the Latest News section of our website for more details if needed, which contains all the information now available, and tell them that’s where OGB will post additional info as it becomes available.

If they are calling to voice their concerns, let them know they have reached the right place. If they want to vent, allow them to do so (briefly and reasonably).

Plan members certainly have the right to call other agencies or people, but DOA cautions OGB employees not to suggest or recommend that they do so.

The Division of Administration (DOA) wants OGB employees to refer all media calls from reporters or bloggers to OGB Communications.

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The involvement of Goldman Sachs in the proposed privatization of the Louisiana Office of Group Benefits (OGB) is such that even conspiracy theory skeptics might want to take a second look.

Details that are slowly becoming known only serve to raise more questions than they answer and at the same time, feed the anxieties of those who distrust government at all levels.

Capitol News Service has learned that Goldman Sachs has been active in the planned privatization of OGB for much longer than was first thought—as far back as last October or November.

Reports first surfaced a few weeks ago that the Wall Street banking firm, a major player in international financial circles, helped write the specifications for a request for proposals (RFP) from reputable financial institutions to conduct a financial assessment of OGB and to help find a buyer for the agency that currently carries a surplus of more than $500 million.

When it came time to open the proposals for the project, Goldman Sachs was the only bidder and stood to rake in a $6 million fee for its services, whether it was successful in finding a buyer or not.

Now it has been learned that Deputy Commissioner of Administration Mark Brady floated the idea of selling OGB to OGB CEO Tommy Teague in a meeting between Brady, Teague, and four representatives of Goldman Sachs last fall. Brady was reported to have asked Teague if he was on board with the proposal. If not, he was told, Brady “would find someone” who was. Teague is an unclassified employee appointed by the Commissioner of Administration and Brady is his supervisor.

Neither Teague nor Brady returned telephone calls from CNS. To date, neither man has commented on Goldman Sachs’s involvement.

As a result of that meeting, the fiscal staff at OGB was directed to compile financial data with the main thrust being a breakdown of the financial statements of the agency into separate components from OGB preferred provider organization (PPO), exclusive provider organization ( EPO), and health maintenance organization ( HMO), represented by United Health Care, Vantage Health Plan, and Blue Cross/Blue Shield.

Speculation among key OGB employees is that the data was turned over to Goldman or Chaffe and Associates of New Orleans.

Chaffe was given an under-the-radar $49,999.99 contract to crunch some OGB numbers for Jindal in time for him to include the OGB proposal in his proposed budget for the coming year. The budget proposal was presented on March 11, but no mention was made of OGB, leading to speculation that Chaffe’s draft report did not reflect numbers favorable to implementation of Jindal’s plan to sell OGB. The amount of Chaff’s contract was exactly one cent below the amount that would have required approval of the Office of Contractual Review.

When sent requests for copies of the report under the state’s public records act, Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater twice denied that any such report exists. But those knowledgeable about events at OGB said there was a report and that Teague was given express orders not to release it to state auditors who also have requested a copy.

Under terms of Gov. Bobby Jindal’s proposal to sell OGB, the buyer would receive between $300 million and $350 million of OGB’s $500 million surplus with the remainder being used to help plug a gaping $1.6 billion deficit for the upcoming fiscal year.

The main hurdle to the implementation of that plan is a state law, R.S. 42:854.5(A), which says, in part, “Any money received by or under the control of the Office of Group Benefits shall not be used, loaned, or borrowed by the state for cash flow purposes” (emphasis added).

The involvement of Brady in the discussions is particularly interesting. Brady was brought into the Division of Administration (DOA) about two years ago. Prior to moving to Baton Rouge from New Hampshire, Brady served as Executive Director of the Arab Bankers Association of North America (ABANA).

Though no direct link between Brady and Goldman Sachs was immediately evident, representatives of Goldman Sachs were featured speakers at ABANA functions and Goldman Sachs was listed as an “institutional member” in ABANA’S 2005 annual report.

One of the speakers was David M. Leuschen, who was a partner and managing director at Goldman Sachs and who was instrumental in advising Mobil Oil on its $81 billion merger with Exxon before moving on to found the Carlyle Group, an international investment firm, and Riverstone Holdings. Both companies are also listed as institutional members in the ABANA annual report.

It was through Carlyle that Leuschen became actively involved in technology investments in the Middle East.

Carlyle and Riverstone partnered in using political connections to solicit the business of public retirement funds from all over the country. Moreover, Leuschen, who owns Switchback Ranch, a 200,000-acre spread in Montana, serves on the board of the Buffalo Bill Museum in nearby Cody, Wyoming. Other members of the board include former Vice President Dick Cheney, former Montana Sen. Alan Simpson, and Ray Hunt of the Texas Hunt Oil family.

State funds that invested in Carlyle included $40 million from the New Mexico State Investment Council, $100 million from the Connecticut State Pension Fund, and $100 million from the Texas teachers’ pension fund (whose board was appointed by then-Gov. George W. Bush), and hundreds of millions more from the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, the Retirement System of the State of Illinois, the Delaware Public Employees Retirement System, the San Francisco Employees’ Retirement System, and Ohio State University. Carlyle and Riverstone also retained a third firm tied to them and that firm, Searle & Co., received $530 million in investment commitments from the New York State Pension Fund.

The latter transaction resulted in an extensive investigation of both Carlyle and Riverstone by New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo. His prosecution resulted in Leuschen and his two firms having to repay the New York fund $50 million—$30 million by Riverstone and $20 million by Carlyle.

Additionally, the Nevada Public Employees Retirement system only last month fired Goldman Sachs and Quantitative Management Associates as its portfolio managers.

Goldman Sachs managed $600 million and Quantitative Management handled $500 million of the system’s total holdings of $2.5 billion.

Among those who have worked in the employ of the Carlyle Group are former President George H.W. Bush, former Secretary of State James Baker, former British Prime Minister John Major, a member of the Bid Laden family of Saudi Arabia, former BP chief executive John Browne, and former Louisiana Senator John Breaux, now a Washington, D.C. lobbyist.

Lest OGB employees consider themselves unique, the move to privatize government agencies is by no means limited to Louisiana. Texas billionaire Thomas Hicks, who contributed $25,000 to George W. Bush’s gubernatorial campaign, was appointed to the University of Texas Board of Regents following Bush’s election.

Hicks then pushed for the privatization of the university’s assets and eventually created the University of Texas Investment Management Co., so that its dealings would be concealed from public scrutiny. Only a massive public outcry forced the management company to reopen its holdings.

Typically, a high-ranking government official directs a substantial amount of government business to the Carlyle group with the taxpayer often being the source of the money. Then, upon leaving public service, the high-ranking official joins the Carlyle group and cashes in.

With Goldman Sachs searching for a buyer, the question was whether the buyer might ultimately be Carlyle and would any “high-ranking” Louisiana officials subsequently leave state government to join Carlyle?

There are reports that at least two groups are considering class action lawsuits to halt the proposed sale of OGB.

Reports also surfaced last week that Goldman Sachs was having second thoughts about the $6 million contract to find a buyer. Representatives of the banking firm, in a conference call on April 11, demanded that the state indemnify the firm from any legal liability stemming from lawsuits. When Division of Administration (DOA) officials balked at that demand, the Goldman Sachs representatives said they would have to talk to their legal department and get back with state officials. They had not called back by the end of last week.

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Earl Long is generally credited with the following quote:

“Don’t write anything you can phone. Don’t phone anything you can talk. Don’t talk anything you can whisper. Don’t whisper anything you can smile. Don’t smile anything you can nod. Don’t nod anything you can wink.”

And so it came to pass that one day just before the Christmas season in the year of our Lord 2010, Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal and his Chief of Staff Little Timmy Teepell were sitting across from one another at a table heavily laden with seasonal food winking at each other.

It was the governor who, breaking political protocol, interrupted the silence first.

BJ: I’m bored.

Little TT: Bored?

BJ: Yes, bored. I’ve been stuck here in the state for three whole days now.

Little TT: What do you suggest, Governor?

BJ: A road trip.

Little TT: But governor, all the elections are over. There’s no one to campaign for. And we’ve done the book tour thing.

BJ: Well, I’m bored. What can we do?

Little TT: Well, Governor, the natives are pretty restless. They think you should remain in the state a couple of weeks and work on the budget deficit.

BJ: TWO WEEKS!!!!?? Bor-ring!

Little TT: Seriously, Governor, we need to discuss ways to raise revenue for the state to offset an anticipated $1.6 billion budget deficit next year.

BJ: Isn’t there a hurricane or an oil spill or some other disaster that can give me face time on the TV cameras so I can act governorential?

Little TT: Governorential?

BJ: Yes. You know, where I go on TV and blame the federal government for everything.

Little TT: No there isn’t anything like that right now. Let’s talk about the budget.

BJ: I know! I can take the state helicopter to a little Baptist Church up in Shongaloo and give ‘em a stimulus check.

Little TT: We can do that on Sunday. Today’s Tuesday. Let’s talk about the budget until then.

BJ: All right. But it’s boring. There’re no TV cameras.

Little TT: That’s okay. You’ll get all the TV coverage you want if you solve the budget crisis.

BJ: Really? Oh, boy! What do we have to do?

Little TT: We need to take measures to raise cash to erase next year’s budget deficit.

BJ: That should be easy. I’m a Rhodes Scholar and (laughing) you’re a Roads Scholar. Isn’t that what you said in your interviews, you’re a Roads Scholar?

Little TT: That’s right, Governor, but remember, we were both absent on pothole day.

(Laughter.)

BJ: That’s funny. A Roads Scholar. Pothole day. I get it. What does that mean?

Little TT: Don’t worry about it. It was just a joke. Now to generate some revenue, we need to sell off some state assets.

BJ: Like what?

Little TT: Well, we can sell all those new state buildings that Governor Foster built and then lease the space back. That should gives us about a hundred million or so up front.

BJ: But didn’t I read somewhere once that selling any fixed asset on a sale-leaseback basis is an act of desperation triggered by cash flow problems?

Little TT: But that’s precisely where we are: We’re desperate because we have cash flow problems.

BJ: But it would place us, the seller, in the position as a long-term lessee. Isn’t that the same as a debtor or bond obligor? That seems like a quick fix to a long-term problem. It’s just deferring a permanent resolution to a problem and not fixing the underlying problem.

Little TT: Governor, you’ve been reading your old campaign literature again, haven’t you? You need to eighty-six that. Drop the rhetoric; you won the election.

BJ: Oops, I forgot.

Little TT: We can also sell a couple of state prisons—those in Winn and Allen parishes. That should bring in about $64 million or so.

BJ: Won’t the buyer just work the mortgage payments back into what he charges the state to house state prisoners?

Little TT: Governor, have you been talking to legislators and not telling me?

BJ: Sorry.

Little TT: Governor, you’ve got to stop that. Legislators aren’t your friends. Now focus. We can also draw against future lottery revenue to get another infusion of cash.

BJ: But what if somebody living in a trailer park wins the lottery? I don’t want him knocking on the front door of the governor’s mansion asking for his money.

Little TT: Don’t worry about that. Listen to me. These are all short-term solutions. It will give us one-time money to cover recurring expenditures but it doesn’t matter. By the time those people in north Louisiana who elected you figure it out, you’ll be well on your way to running for president.

BJ: And you’ll be my little Karl Rove. TT, I see where you’re going with this and I like it. Hell….I mean heck, we can sell the state police cars and put them on bicycles. That should work. When I was in Oxford doing my Rhodes Scholar bit, they had Bobbies on foot. We can call ‘em Bobbies on bicycles. Voters will love that.

Little TT: That would be pretty drastic. The state police would probably need cars….

BJ: How ’bout if I just sold my soul?

Little TT: You already did that to get elected.

BJ: How about selling some of the state golf courses?

Little TT: That’d probably look pretty bad. We just bought the Tournament Players Club in New Orleans and took over the Poverty Point club up in Delhi and we’re in the process of building a couple of others. How could we explain the sudden change? Those golf courses are viable investments. Even as we speak, we’re in the process of taking bids on the construction of a miniature golf course at City Park in New Orleans. What I’m saying, Governor, is we’re committed on these expenditures.

BJ: How about selling the Pentagon Barracks?

Little TT: Can’t do that, either. We have legislators living in them and the new owners might raise their rent from the $300 they’re paying now to a level comparable to other apartments. The legislature is already mad enough. We can’t risk that.

BJ: How about cutting higher education and health care benefits then?

Little TT: Now you’re thinking like the governor I know and respect. Let’s sing some nice Christmas carols:

Jindal Bells, Jindal Bells,
Jindal all the way;
Oh how sad
Is his wishy-washy way—HEY!

Jindal Bells, Jindal Bells,
On another flight
Oh how nice we all do feel
When he is out of si–ight.

Away at a fund raiser
No one does he dread;
Not running for president,
At least that’s what he said.

But from afar
We know what they say,
Move over Obama,
Jindal’s on his way.

Oh, little state of Louzian
How sorry is your plight;
With Bobby selling all our jails,
Citizens now feel pure fright.

While in our dark streets linger
A refracted gleam of light;
From guns and knives will lives
Be lost in thee tonight.

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An online dictionary defines the essential feature of irony as “the indirect presentation of a contradiction between an action or expression and the context in which it occurs.”

A good example of irony would be the State of Louisiana’s legal position in joining with 45 other states several years ago in suing the big tobacco companies. Louisiana, then-Attorney General Richard Ieyoub claimed, was spending inordinate amounts of state revenue treating tobacco-related illnesses among indigent citizens at the state’s charity hospitals.

Joining in the lawsuit was a logical and justified means of recovering some of the state’s costs of treating heart and lung disease, diabetes, cancer, tooth and gum disease, and various other ailments afflicting the state’s poor smokers. It even made sense when state buildings established designating smoking rooms in the early 1990s and then later abolished smoking altogether, forcing those unwilling to kick the habit to trudge outside in heat, cold, and rain to get their nicotine fix.

The 46 states and several U.S. territories eventually reached a settlement of about $206 billion with Louisiana slated to receive $4.6 billion as its share of the settlement.

Louisiana received its first check of $104 million in December of 1999. Last year the state’s share was $175.5 million and the 2010 payment of an as yet undetermined amount is due later this month.

That would explain the justification. Now for the irony.

On June 16 of this year, the Louisiana Department of Corrections (DOC) awarded contracts to three separate vendors for the purchase of more than $6.1 million in tobacco products for re-sale to prison inmates across the state.

And that was only for a six-month supply.

Of the three vendors who were awarded contracts, two are from Texas. Rudy Love Distributing Co. of Huntsville, Texas, had a low bid of $1,002,450 and Price & Co. of Beaumont, Texas, submitted a low bid of $84,631.75. Lyons Specialty Co. of Port Allen tied with an out-of-state firm with its bid of $5,025,220, but was awarded the contract because it is a Louisiana firm, according to DOC spokesperson Pam LaBorde.

The three firms were low bidders on 16 separate items on which bids were opened on June 14, two days before the contracts were awarded, she said.

LaBorde said that DOC and Prison Enterprises (PE) recoups the full amount of the tobacco items purchased off the bids by selling the products to prisoners at a markup, “plus the applicable sales taxes by parish and city or town where the correctional center is located.” She added that prices will vary somewhat because of local taxes.

“When placed out for bid, the amounts reflected in the bid are estimates of usage for the six-month contract period,” LaBorde said. “The amount purchased fluctuates based on the demand.” She said that items are delivered on an as-needed basis and facilities are not required to purchase the full amount as estimated in the contract.

“These proceeds are used to offset the cost of the items, the bidding of the items, the storage, warehousing, other overhead, and delivery to each facility as well as to recoup the necessary salary funds of the correctional officers who provide the canteen service. These canteen services are provided to the offender population as self-generated program(s),” she added.

So much for recovering the costs of purchasing tobacco products for the prisoners. Every contingency, it seems, is covered.

Except….except, oh yes, medical care for the state’s indigent population.

And who in Louisiana is more indigent than prison inmates?

No one. And bear in mind that Louisiana has the largest prison population in the U.S.

And where are prison inmates treated for their smoking-related illnesses?

At the state’s charity hospitals, that’s where.

And who pays for their treatment?

Since the cost of medical treatment is not factored into the equation, i.e. the price prisoners pay for tobacco products, that would be you and me, the Louisiana taxpayers.

Irony.

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If there’s a single word that could describe both the political and fiscal plight of Louisiana, that word would be chaotic. Absentee governor also comes to mind.

Gov. Bobby Jindal, when he’s not flying off to any of a growing number of other states to campaign for Republican candidates, is telling cabinet members and department heads to lead and to stop “whining” about proposed budget cuts that threaten to further stymie the state’s already stagnant economy and to gut higher education.

College presidents from one end of the state to the other are grappling with ways to keep from shutting down academic programs and laying off professors and teachers. The college presidents challenged Jindal’s Facebook criticism of the state’s colleges and universities for “underperforming” and for their “inefficiency.”

Professors also are entering the fray, openly criticizing the governor for everything from chronic absenteeism to insensitivity toward higher education as manifested by the administration’s deep budgetary cuts.

One legislator, perhaps with some measure of justification, or perhaps with an eye on the governor’s office in next year’s election, likewise accused Jindal of being absent from the state in a time of crisis.

Rep. John Bel Edwards of Amite described Jindal as absent without leave during “the most serious budget crisis in our history.” Edwards, a Democrat, said that Jindal “is not minding the store” and has been less than honest with Louisiana’s citizens about problems facing the state.

Edwards isn’t alone among legislators in offering criticism of the governor’s repeated optimistic proclamations on his statewide “Building a Better Louisiana for Our Children” tour. Press releases from the governor’s office quote Jindal as saying his administration is “doing more with less” and has “significantly cut government spending and reduced the size of government—while pursuing innovative programs that are more effective at providing services for our people.”

Several state senators, however, have called Jindal to task for what they feel is a lack of candor. The said he should be more straightforward about the types of severe budget cuts that will be necessary in order to balance next year’s budget. They said Jindal has been misleading the public in talking up cost savings and office consolidations while refusing to acknowledge the far-reaching budget cuts that will be needed to close the budget gap.

The president of the LSU student body gained national publicity recently when he wrote to a newspaper in New Hampshire where Jindal was campaigning. The letter asked the governor to return home and address the budgetary problems facing higher education. Only when J. Ryan Hudson’s letter got national attention did Jindal finally agree to meet with students to discuss cuts to higher education.

More recently, an LSU professor voiced similar sentiments, saying Jindal should do his job and “stop playing games.” A.R.P. Rau added that the governor, while critical of university sabbatical policies, failed to appreciate the irony that he is often “absent without leave from the state, neglecting it for his personal national aspirations.”

Perhaps the most significant criticism, however, came from Ed Steimel, retired president of the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry (LABI). Steimel, calling himself a longtime supporter of Jindal, now describes the governor as “a major disappointment” and said he no longer supports him. Steimel-perhaps with tongue in cheek, but perhaps not-even suggested that Hudson and Jindal swap jobs.

State Treasurer John Kennedy, sounding more and more like a potential 2011 challenger to his fellow Republican, has offered his own plan to balance the state budget now estimated to be more than $100 million in the red. Kennedy said his 16-point plan would produce an overall savings of $2.6 billion.

The governor’s office, even as it was responding to the college presidents, launched a web page dedicated to criticizing Kennedy’s proposals, with Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater saying that the state treasurer’s ideas were “unworkable.” Kennedy angrily responded to Rainwater, saying, “Tell me you don’t want to do it. Tell me you don’t have the political courage to do it. But don’t tell me it can’t be done.”

When he became governor, Jindal increased the size of the Louisiana Board of Ethics by more than two-thirds, from 23 to 39 staff positions but now has directed the agency to cut staff by 35 percent. Ethics Board Chairman Frank Simoneaux said personnel cuts would be “particularly egregious to us.” He said the board already in understaffed for it to perform the duties it is charged by law to do.

Department of Health and Hospitals Secretary Bruce Greenstein sent an Oct. 22 agency-wide email in which he said Jindal was “committed to providing the core health-care services and programs that our residents need.” At the same time, however, Greenstein announced a reorganization that “will lead to a reduction in staff.”

Even as Greenstein was parroting Jindal’s commitment to needed health-care services, physicians and legislators alike leveled stinging criticism of Jindal’s decision last week to scrap CommunityCare, a program which mainly serves children in providing primary-care physicians for Medicaid patients throughout Louisiana. By eliminating the extra $3 per patient per month paid physicians to coordinate care of individual Medicaid patients, Jindal said he hopes to cut spending by $16 million.

Nor is the governor the only one to incur the wrath of some observers. The same growing feeling of general frustration was also directed at the legislature.

A Baton Rouge retiree offered a proposal which isn’t likely to get many takers. He suggested that whenever cuts are necessary, legislators should be first in line to sacrifice. Bill Fontaine of the Baton Rouge suburb of Central said that would mean that salaries, staff, perks, and any other costs of making the legislature run must be cut proportionate to any cuts to higher education. “….imagine the legislators working for free when there is no budget to pay them…..” he said.

“But you see,” he added, “I’m a pessimist about legislative courage. I don’t think they have the courage to forgo some pay and/or benefits for the good of the people. They are just cowards and greedy grabbers….”

Even the Associated Press is beginning to call attention to Jindal’s growing propensity to speak of Louisiana’s economy in more glowing terms than its citizens back home can see.

Saying that the governor seems more focused on his own political future than on problems back home, AP points out that Jindal conveniently leaves out the bad news about the state’s finances when describing his administration’s accomplishments during appearances in other states.

The latest example of Jindal’s apparent propensity to embellish his image of the state came as recently as Oct. 27 in Wisconsin.

Appearing on behalf of eventual winning gubernatorial candidate Scott Walker, Jindal and Governors Bob McDonnell of Virginia and Haley Barbour of Mississippi told Wisconsin voters that their strategies of cutting taxes and shrinking government worked in their states. Their pronouncements prompted Walker to call the three his inspiration when he is asked how he will create jobs and make government smaller. Calling them “great leaders,” Walker said, “They did it and we’re going to do it.”

Jindal boasted that Louisiana’s economy improved when he cut or repealed tax increases passed under his Democratic predecessor Kathleen Blanco, adding that Americans need leaders who can balance budgets, create jobs, and cut taxes. (Actually, the Stelly Plan to which he was apparently alluding, was passed in 2002, the final year of Republican Gov. Mike Foster’s administration.)

The “improved” economy of Louisiana is wrestling with the current budget deficit of $106 million. As if that were not sufficiently severe, next year’s deficit is pegged—by the Jindal administration itself—at $1.6 billion while others project an even bigger budgetary shortfall.

Back home in Louisiana, however, Jindal said it will be necessary for cabinet members and department heads to deliver better value with fewer dollars. “We don’t need whining. We do need leadership,” he said at a Capitol press conference. Then, apparently satisfied to leave the leadership to others, he immediately left for Pittsburgh to attend a fundraiser for the Republican gubernatorial candidate in Pennsylvania.

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