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At least one of the three companies that submitted proposals to replace the Office of Group Benefits (OGB) as a third party administrator (TPA) for OGB’s preferred provider organization (PPO) has done what the Louisiana Civil Service Commission lacked the courage to do: ask tough questions about the selection process.

In fact, United Healthcare on Friday filed a formal protest over the awarding of the three-year, billion dollar contract to Blue Cross/Blue Shield of Louisiana (BCBS).

Reports received by LouisianaVoice indicate there was only a 20-point differential between BCBS and United in the scoring and that BCBS did not have the best score in certain important segments of the overall proposal, namely for the score on claims processing, an area in which one source said BCBS was actually the highest of the three companies.

The Civil Service Commission on Wednesday voted 3-2 in favor of approving the BCBS contract that will result in 121 OGB employees losing their jobs. The approval came after scant testimony supported by an eight-page Power Point presentation by the Division of Administration (DOA) and after allowing opponents less than 20 minutes in which to state their opposition.

Word leaked out immediately following the commission meeting that there had been heated discussion among commission members prior to their entering the aptly-named Louisiana Purchase Room for the meeting—in apparent violation of the state’s open meeting law.

It was also clear from the tone of commission members’ questions, mostly soft balls lobbed at DOA and OGB officials. Conversely, attorney J. Arthur Smith, representing about 100 OGB employees was allowed 15 minutes to present the opposition’s side as commission members appeared to pay scant attention and offer no follow up questions.

When Smith later attempted to correct what he said was incorrect information provided by DOA, commission Chairman David Duplantier rudely stopped him, saying, “This is not a public debate. This proposal was received by the commission in April and you submitted a three-inch thick set of documentation to us on Monday.”

Jindal has benefitted financially from BCBS and its parent company, Louisiana Health & Indemnity. The two combined to funnel $56,000 to Jindal’s political campaign and BCBS gave an additional $100,000 to the Supriya Jindal Foundation, a charity run by Jindal’s wife.

Jindal has been attempting to privatize OGB for more than a year now and is currently on his third agency director since initial efforts to privatize OGB.

Tommy Teague was fired on April 15, 2011, after failing to demonstrate sufficient enthusiasm for the privatization plan.

Teague had taken the agency from a deficit of about $60 million to a $500 million surplus in just over five years.

His successor, Scott Kipper, lasted only six weeks after testifying before a legislative committee that were it left for him to decide, he would not lay off any of the OGB employees. His remarks were made only minutes after his boss, Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater had insisted that OGB needed to be downsized by 149 positions.

Rainwater visibly winced at Kipper’s comment and his departure was announced soon thereafter.

It was not immediately clear if United Healthcare, if its protest is denied, would file a lawsuit over the selection of BCBS.

Humana was the other company that submitted a proposal for the PPO takeover.

Two years ago, when BCBS was selected as the TPA of the HMO program for state employees, Humana and United Healthcare filed suit and the court ordered the state to re-bid the proposal.

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Shane is no doubt one of the all-time quentessential western movies.

Starring Alan Ladd, Van Heflin, Jean Arthur, Brandon DeWilde and Jack Palance, the flick has stood the test of time and has been remade in various shapes, forms and titles by such Hollywood legends as John Wayne, Jimmy Stewart and Clint Eastwood. Perhaps the closest any movie has come to capturing its true appeal is one that came along half-a-century later—2003’s Open Range, starring Robert Duvall, Kevin Costner and Annette Bening.

Even the most casual movie-goer knows the storyline: mild-mannered stranger rides into town—not looking for trouble but invariably finding it in the person of the villain, a ruthless land baron/cattle rancher/banker. Said land baron/cattle rancher/banker has brought in hired guns from out of town to maintain tight control over the local populace, usually personified as honest but helpless homesteaders who only wish to care for their families by trying to scratch a living out of mother earth.

The hired gun, of course, is obligated to ridicule or otherwise demean the weakest among the local homesteaders who, upon attempting to defend himself, is summarily gunned down as an example to the others.

The lesson, of course, is to toe the line or be eliminated in like fashion. This heavy-handed tactic, of course, helps to consolidate the power and control of the land baron/cattle rancher/banker.

Now fast forward to a certain southern state in the years 2008-2012:

A new land baron/cattle rancher/banker has appeared on the scene in the form of an egomaniacal governor who fancies bigger and better things for himself—perhaps even thinking of himself as presidential timber.

But he doesn’t leave anything to chance by bringing in a single hired gun; he hires an entire posse. He surrounds himself with subordinate hangers-on who feed his presidential aspirations like any loyal sycophant, while at the same time cautioning him to keep saying he has the job he wants over and over ad nauseam.

These toadies, or hired guns, if you will, are mostly from out of town, much like the hired guns in Shane and its many clones. They don’t wear guns any more, of course, but the threat they hold over the homesteaders, in this case state employees, is their livelihoods—their jobs.

• If you’re head of the state’s highway safety program and you oppose the governor’s attempt to repeal the state motorcycle helmet law? Gone.

• If you are criticized for the way in which shelter conditions are administered following a hurricane? Goodbye.

• If you are a member of the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education and you don’t agree 100 percent with the governor’s education program? So long.

• If you are a state employee who testifies against his plan to streamline government? You’re history.

• If you are a legislator who happens not to agree with his royal decree? Kiss your committee chairmanship goodbye.

• If you are president of a university who disagrees with cuts to higher education? Take a hike.

By the same token, if you are a recently out-of-work politician who was smart enough to align yourself with the governor, not to worry: you have a nice state job waiting for you at a six-figure salary.

These hired guns, with names like Plotkin, Palmieri, Greenstein, Steckel, Vallas, Levine, Zachery Jiwa (DHH chief technology officer), and John White, each brought in from places like Seattle, Chicago, New Jersey, New York, Alabama and Florida, roam the corridors of state government, making certain that no dissention will be tolerated from lowly state employees. They are to keep their heads down and noses clean if they like their jobs.

If a few naïve state employees, namely teachers, do show up to testify before a legislative committee, there is always a friendly legislator who will insist that they reveal not only their name and agency, but whether or not they took annual or sick leave to attend the committee hearing, or if they are on their own time.

If a few state employees wish to participate in a rally against closure of or cutbacks to their agency, there is always an agency head who can be coerced into telling the employees—illegally—that they are not allowed to participate in said rally.

Then, of course, the governor can always call on more than 200 campaign contributors who coughed up more than $784,000 to his 2007 election campaign and appoint them to plum positions on important boards and commissions. And in case anyone tries to pass a bill requiring him to divulge that information, he can always call on compliant legislators to kill the bill.

Finally, to maintain an unyielding grip on his political power, this governor must not allow any federal encroachment, such as helpful federal grants, to tarnish his own stellar reputation. Thus:

• Grants to bring broadband internet to rural parishes must be stymied in the name of private enterprise;

• Grants to build a high speed rail system between Baton Rouge and New Orleans must be discouraged because of accompanying maintenance costs;

• Grants for early childhood development must be rejected because of federal oversight. Besides, let the little darlings attend one of the voucher schools where they teach that the Loch Ness monster really exists and that the earth is only 6,000 years old. That’s all the early childhood development they could possibly need.

This land baron/cattle rancher/banker is so confident of his unchallenged power that he now feels it is not even necessary that he remain in the town much. Instead, he chooses to hop scotch all over the country auditioning for bigger and better things.

The little town is simply holding him back so he spends all this time away from his office even though the town back home is drying up; education and health care are undergoing drastic cuts because he has given all the money needed to support them to his corporate friends in the form of tax incentives.

But why settle for being a local land/baron/cattle rancher/banker dominating a comparatively small spread when there is an entire nation out there over which he can hold sway?

Normally, in a situation such as this, we would summon the Lone Ranger. But not this time: one masked man is more than enough.

But we can almost hear the last line of that great old movie: “Shane! Come back! We need you!”

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“Given how salient the issue of health care is to national Republicans, privatizing the Office of Group Benefits (OGB) would further the national viability of Gov. Bobby Jindal in a number of ways. It would be difficult for Gov. Jindal to continue his strident attacks on President Obama’s ‘government-run health care program’ while leaving untouched a state-run health insurance program right under his nose.

“Therefore, given the idelogical thrust of both the governor’s rhetoric and his policies, coupled with the political timing of the proposed privatization of OGB, it is hard to escape the conclusion that the privatization of OGB is politically motivated.”

–Albert L. Samuel, Ph.D., Chairman of the Department of Political Science at Southern University, discussing Gov. Piyush Jindal’s incessant ongoing audition for the Republican vice-president nomination and his obsession with privatizing OGB.

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A Baton Rouge attorney has filed papers in opposition to the privatization of the Office of Group Benefits (OGB) for Wednesday’s Civil Service hearing but in the process he could get two university professors teagued by Gov. Piyush Jindal.

Attorney J. Arthur Smith filed his lengthy objection on behalf of 177 OGB employees who stand to lose their jobs if the proposed takeover by Blue Cross/Blue Shield (BCBS) goes through. He reminded the Civil Service Commission that the fundamental purpose of the Civil Service system “is to prevent permanent classified employees from being subjected to adverse personnel actions based on political influence.”

Political influence on the part of the Jindal administration is precisely what he is claiming—along with offering evidence that privatization has not proven to be the panacea claimed by governmental entities that have boldly gone where Piyush is attempting to go now.

BCBS was recently announced as the winner of the state contract to take over the OGB Preferred Provider Organization (PPO) which serves some 60,000 state employees, retirees and dependents.

But two political science professors at LSU and Southern University were sharply critical of the administration’s motives for privatizing OGB and challenged the administration’s fiscal arguments in written reports.

The State Civil Service Commission will hear presentations by the administration and by opponents of the privatization proposal on Wednesday at 9 a.m. in the appropriately named Louisiana Purchase Room of the Claiborne Building on North Third Street in Baton Rouge.

Smith cited a court case—New Orleans Civil Service Commission v. City of New Orleans—in which the Louisiana Supreme Court ruled that the mayor and city council “do not have the unfettered discretion to potentially decimate the civil service system by eliminating all civil service positions to privatization, and, therefore, we find that checks on that discretion are necessary and authorized by the Constitution.”

That ruling also said that the city must turn over all documents and other evidence which enable the Commission to determine (1) whether and civil service employees will be involuntarily displaced from the Civil Service; and, if so, (2) whether the contract was entered into for reasons of efficiency and economy and not for politically motivated reasons.”

The Jindal administration has been conspicuously reluctant in providing “all documents and other evidence,” to the legislature as well as the media. The reason for non-disclosure, which has become almost a cliché, is the often-cited “deliberative process,” an obscure provision behind which the governor consistently hides. He pushed through the deliberative process provision shortly after becoming governor and since has boasted non-stop to the nation that he has made state government more responsive, accountable and transparent.

Smith cited several examples in which privatization has run into problems, including cost overruns, little or no cost savings, inferior service, and a lack of accountability. In many of those cases, he said, governmental entities have on occasion been forced to bring outsourced services back in-house. That has already happened with OGB once before.

He also cited what he considered to be conflicts of interest regarding BCBS. He cited contributions to Jindal of $43,500 by BCBS; $12,500 by Louisiana Health & Indemnity (BCBS’s parent company), and at least $100,000 by BCBS to the Supriya Jindal Foundation. The foundation is run by Jindal’s wife, Supriya Jindal.

Moreover, Smith said the State of Louisiana “essentially donated in excess of $1 million to Louisiana Health & Indemnity to expand and upgrade its headquarters building.” That subsidy, which produced only 22 new jobs, was approved in 2009 as an Enterprise Zone project.

Smith also said the Jindal administration has failed to prove that the proposed OGB privatization would result in increased efficiency.

He cited former OGB Director Tommy Teague as saying in March of 2010 that if OGB is dismantled, the PPO provider network, most of the agency’s extensive expertise in claims, provider services, customer service and information technology would be lost. Also lost, he said, would be the capacity to reinstate the existing self-administered PPO plan structure. Teague pointed out that OGB, in addition to providing “excellent customer service,” also holds down costs by self-administering the PPO plan.

His arguments notwithstanding, Smith’s aces are two political scientists who have weighed in on the side of OGB employees with comprehensive reports that take issue with the administration stand that privatization would be best for OGB and the state.

Albert L. Samuel, chairman of the Political Science Department at Southern University, was critical of the fiscal irresponsibility of the administration and legislature in the aftermath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita which he said led to the current fiscal crisis.

“Due to federal recovery dollars as a result of the 2005 hurricanes and historically high oil prices, the (Jindal) administration inherited a budget surplus of nearly $2 billion. During its first year in office, the administration and its legislative allies swiftly passed a series of large tax cuts and spent millions of dollars in one-time money on road projects, deferred maintenance at state colleges and universities, levee improvements, coastal restoration projects and upgrades to Pennington Biomedical Center,” he said. “Perhaps most notably, Gov. Jindal signed a repeal of the Stelly Tax Plan which provided a substantial tax savings for upper-income Louisianians.”

When the 2008 financial crisis struck, however, Samuel noted that rather than reconsidering the deep tax cuts that were enacted in previous years, Jindal “held steadfastly to (his) conservative ideals.” Jindal, he said, “adamantly opposed every attempt on the part of legislators to deal with the financial crisis through tax increases.”

“Consistent with that Naomi Klein calls ‘The Shock Doctrine,’ the governor capitalized on the financial crisis of the state to advance an agenda that called into the question the rationale for government to perform basic services on a wide range of issues.”

Samuel concluded his 21-page report by saying that political motivations “are driving the Jindal administration’s push to privatize the Office of Group Benefits.

“It locates Gov. Jindal squarely on the cutting edge of a national Republican party, determined to pursue this course without making a clear and convincing case that OGB, as currently constituted, has failed to provide quality service and coverage to its plan members at reasonable costs to taxpayers.

“The proposed privatization cuts to the heart of the fundamental rationales for having a civil service system in the first place—the idea of protecting state government workers from dismissal driven by politics.”

LSU political science professor Belinda Creel Davis cited from Shrinking the State: The Political Underpinnings of Privatization, a book by Harvey Feigenbaum, Jeffrey Henig and Chris Hamnett who said that privatization “is a political tool having the end goal of realigning institutions and decision-making in order to privilege the goals of one group over another.”

Davis cited the privatization of Louisiana’s Medicaid program as “an excellent example” of the difficulty in evaluating the effectiveness of privatization, specifically citing Jindal’s reluctance to approve legislative oversight of privatization programs.

“The Louisiana Legislature has passed bills in the 2011 and 2012 sessions that were designed to give legislators more information on the way the Jindal administration is implementing health care programs for the poor via private health care firms.

“For the second year in a row, Gov. Jindal has vetoed the bills, claiming they were unnecessary and duplicative since the Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH) issues extensive evaluations.

“It is interesting to note that his veto message does not claim that the report issued by DHH provides all or even most of the information sought by legislators. In the 2012 session, Senate Bill 569, seeking greater transparency on this matter passed unanimously in the House and Senate. Legislators seeking transparency regarding implementation must find the reports lacking if they have sought additional information, but they are unable to access the information they seek—resulting in a more difficult accountability process under privatization than you would see under government provision of the service.

“This is exactly the type of consequence systemic privatization predicts,” she said.

“In my opinion, as a scholar of public policy and government, privatization is an inherently political process. The evidence from both national and state studies supports this view. I believe the case before you is a clear case of politically motivated privatization.”

Those are the kinds of statements, bold and insightful as they may be, that seem to get people teagued these days.

Teagueing, after all, is the one activity in which this administration is abundantly transparent and open.

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A nurse at Southeast Louisiana Hospital in Mandeville is standing by her story about details of negotiations between the state and Magellan Health Services of Avon, Connecticut, despite denials by a spokesman for a state representative who she insists told her about the preliminary talks with the health care company.

The nurse, who asked that her identity not be revealed because of her job, said Hollis told her that Department of Health and Human Services (DHH) Secretary Bruce Greenstein had confided in a meeting that included legislators that the state was in preliminary negotiations with Magellan to take over the hospital after it begins shutting down as a state facility on Oct. 1.

James Hartman of James Hartman & Associates represents Rep. Paul Hollis (R-Covington), who the nurse said was at the meeting. Hartman emailed LouisianaVoice on Thursday to insist that Hollis “has had no such conversation with Secretary Greenstein.”

“In fact,” said Hartman, “Rep Hollis told me he has never had a private conversation with Secretary Greenstein at all.”

In a second email, Hartman said, “Your source is unreliable. Rep. Hollis has had no such conversation with Secretary Greenstein and, again, has never even had a one-on-one conversation with the secretary.”

The careful choice of “private conversation” and “one-on-one conversation” appear to be the key phrases in Hartman’s denial; LouisianaVoice never said there was a “private” or “one-on-one” conversation between Greenstein and Hollis.

The LouisianaVoice post of Wednesday said that Greenstein “recently confided” in Hollis and Rep. Tim Burns (R-Mandeville) that he (Greenstein) had been in negotiations with Magellan about taking over the operation of the hospital once it is privatized. There reportedly were others in that meeting as well, which would at least lend credibility to the claim of no “private” or “one-on-one” meeting between Hollis and Greenstein.

The nurse, contacted for clarification, stood by her story. “There was a meeting of about 40 people with Greenstein,” she said. “Pat Brister (St. Tammany Parish President) was there and Rep. Burns also attended. It was at that meeting that Greenstein revealed the negotiations.”

She said Hollis called her on Tuesday night after she had initially attempted to contact him. “He told me he had been contacted by more than 30 people in opposition to the closure of Southeast Louisiana Hospital.

“During our telephone conversation, he revealed to me what Greenstein had said. He (Hollis) didn’t name the private company at first and when I asked if it was Magellan, he acknowledged it was,” she said.

Greenstein is in the process of formally declaring the 300-acre site on which the hospital sits as surplus property so that it may be sold at auction. More than 1400 acres of hospital property was sold to St. Tammany Parish last month for $6.45 million, less than half the $14.7 million appraisal of the property in February 2011.

The entire 1900-acre tract (before the adjoining property was sold last month) was appraised at nearly $67.9 million, according to information contained on the Office of State Lands web page.

Even if the property is declared surplus and put up for sale, Magellan would still have to submit the high bid to obtain the property but bid specifications and requests for proposals can be written in such a way as to give a favored vendor an advantage over competitors.

Magellan currently holds three contracts with the state totaling more than $392 million, state records show.

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