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Archive for the ‘Governor’s Office’ Category

Gov. Bobby Jindal had another roadblock thrown in his path to privatization of four LSU hospitals on Wednesday when the State Civil Service Commission, by a 4-3 vote, rejected the state’s contracts with private hospitals to take over state-run facilities in New Orleans, Lafayette, Houma and Lake Charles.

The matter has already been scheduled for a re-hearing on Monday at 8 a.m. in the Louisiana Purchase Room on the first floor of the Claiborne Building at 1201 North Third Street in Baton Rouge.

In taking the action, commission members complained that the information provided by LSU was insufficient.

Really? A contract with 50 blank pages was not enough? The commission perhaps needed some specifics—like an offer and an acceptance and a termination clause?

It should be noted that the commission did not vote to reject the administration’s layoff plans relative to the privatization of the Interim Hospital in New Orleans, University Medical Center in Lafayette, Leonard Chabert Medical Center in Houma and W.O. Moss Medical Center in Lake Charles.

Civil Service Director Shannon Templet must make a decision on the layoff plan by next Tuesday in order for the layoffs to become effective on June 24.

But if the privatization plan is not approved, the hospitals would necessarily have to keep nearly 3,000 classified employees on the job in order to keep the hospitals open.

Dr. Fred Cerise, the former head of the LSU Health System who was fired by Jindal (through the Board of Stuporvisors, of course), said on Wednesday that the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) still has not given the go-ahead for the hospital privatization plan and without that approval, everything else is moot.

Cerise said the state plans to use the $110 million that Children’s Hospital in New Orleans is paying to take over the Interim Hospital (formerly Big Charity before that facility was abandoned after Hurricane Katrina and a new structure built) will be used by the state to leverage greater matching funds from Medicaid.

“But if CMS does not approve the plan, the state will have to repay Medicaid for any excess money it received on the basis of that $110 million,” he said, adding, “I don’t think there’s any way CMS is going to give its stamp of approval to this plan.”

Dr. Michael Kaiser, Chief Executive Officer of the LSU Health Care Services Division, said he would ask the commission to reconsider its decision. He said the commission would be provided with the agreements between LSU and the private companies.

“I’m not sure what they intend to show the commission on Monday,” Cerise said, “but there’s no way they can show a savings when contracts for privatizing two of the hospitals (Chabert and Moss) don’t even contain any financial details.”

That, of course, raises the question of just why was the commission not provided copies of the agreements in the first place. Did Kaiser expect the commission to simply rubber stamp the privatization plan as it has in the past and as the LSU Board of Stuporvisers does on a regular basis with anything Jindal sends over?

In the past the Board of Stuporvisers has done Jindal’s bidding without question—from the firing of LSU President John Lombardi, LSU System General Counsel Raymond Lamonica, and Drs. Roxanne Townsend and Cerise, to operating in complete secrecy to hire a new LSU president who possesses credentials that are questionable at best, to approving essentially blank contracts for the takeover of LSU hospitals in Shreveport, Monroe, Houma and Lake Charles. The contracts consisted of about 50 blank pages and contained no mention of financial terms, specific offers, acceptances or termination clauses.

And for the privilege of doing Jindal’s bidding, members of the Board of Stuporvisers get to metaphorically lick the master’s hand with campaign contributions totaling about a quarter-million dollars between them.

All of which raises another question that no one has asked to this point but one for which there is a desperate need for an answer:

• When was the last time the LSU Board of Stuporvisors took any action during this governor’s administration that supported academics and was not done to achieve a political agenda—Jindal’s political agenda, to be specific?

Anyone? Bueller? Bueller? Anyone?

Kaiser, in the wake of the unexpected rejection of the administration’s plan by the commission, only now bemoans the fact that in anticipation of approval of the privatization, the public hospitals have no money in the state budget for the new fiscal year that begins on July 1.

That would be because Jindal did not include funding in his budget back in January because he was certain his privatization plan would be approved.

Somewhere out there, the ghost of Jim Nabors as Gomer Pyle is flashing a big, innocent grin and saying to Bobby Jindal, aka Barney Fife, “Sur-PRISE, Sur-PRISE, Sur-PRISE!” (Our apologies to Barney Fife.)

Kaiser said the administration would have to try and determine what other action could be taken if the privatization is not approved.

More than 3,500 employees work at the four hospitals. Of that number, 2,953 are classified, or Civil Service rank-and-file employees. The remainder are unclassified and do not enjoy Civil Service protection. Their layoffs do not have to be approved by the commission.

More than half of the classified employees (1,690) are employed at the Interim Hospital in New Orleans. The remainder are at University Medical Center in Lafayette (487), Leonard Chabert Medical Center in Houma (556) and W.O. Moss Medical Center in Lake Charles (220).

It will be interesting to see if any legislators from the affected areas show up for Monday’s Civil Service Commission re-hearing. Republican House Speaker Chuck Kleckley is from Lake Charles.

Other Calcasieu Parish House members include Democrats Michael Danahay, A.B. Franklin, and Dorothy Sue Hill and Republicans Brett Geymann, John Guinn and Ben Hensgens.

Calcasieu senators include Republicans John Smith, Ronnie Johns and Dan “Blade” Morrish.

House members from Lafayette Parish include Democrats Terry Landry, Jack Montoucet, Stephen Orgego and Vincent Pierre and Republicans Taylor Barras, Stuart Bishop, Nancy Landry, and Joel Robideaux.

Senators who represent Lafayette Parish are Republicans Elbert Guillory, Johathan Perry, Page Cortez and Fred Mills.

Terrebonne/Lafourche parish House members include Republicans Gordon Dove, Sr., Joe Harrison and Lenar Whitney of Terrebonne and Democrat Jerry Gisclair and Independent Jerome “Dee” Richard, both of Lafourche. Richard, by the way, was present at Wednesday’s commission hearing.

Representing Lafourche and Terrebonne parishes in the Senate are Democrats Troy Brown and Gary Smith and Republicans Norbert Chabert and Bret Allain.

Orleans Parish House members include Democrats Neil Abramson, Jeffery Arnold, Austin Badon, Wesley Bishop, Jared Brossett, Walt Leger and Helena Moreno. Orleans Republicans include Raymond Garofalo, Christopher Leopold and Nick Lorusso.

Senators who represent Orleans include Republicans A.G. Crowe and Conrad Appel and Democrats Karen Carter Peterson, Jean-Paul Morrell, David Heitmeier and Edwin Murray.

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Depending upon which source you consult, there are from four to six essential components of a contract that make the document legally binding.

The LSU Board of Stuporvisors apparently is unaware of any of them.

• There first must be an offer.

Okay, this one’s a little broad. There was an offer…of sorts. The Biomedical Research Foundation of Northwest Louisiana offered to assume administrative and operational control of the LSU Medical Center in Shreveport and E.A. Conway Medical Center in Monroe.

Likewise, Southern Regional Medical Center and Terrebonne General Medical Center offered to manage the Leonard J. Chabert Medical Center in Houma and Lake Charles Memorial Hospital offered to take over in-patient care and medical education from W.O. Moss Medical Center which will cease operating as a hospital.

But after that, it gets a little sticky:

• There must be an acceptance.

Acceptance is defined as an “unconditional agreement to the precise terms and conditions of an offer.”

To that end, the Board of Stuporvisors came off looking like Larry, Moe and Curly trying to match business acumen with Warren Buffett.

Or Jethro Bodine in negotiations with Donald Trump. You get the picture

The Board of Stuporvisors’ approach to this major enterprise was more akin to the manner in which car dealers attempt to sell a major consumer product with the cheesiest, most offensive television ads possible.

Simply put, there were no specifics in the contract—only 50 or so blank pages to be filled in later.

• Consideration: the payment exchanged for the promise(s) contained in the contract.

Without a specific offer, there can be no financial terms (consideration) and accordingly, no acceptance.

• Termination Clause: allow a contract to be ended without cause, though some courts have held that the clause cannot be invoked without cause.

So thus far, we have no specific offer, no financial terms (consideration) and no termination clause—only an acceptance of a vague offer—all of which brings up the fifth component of a legal contract:

• A contract must be recognized as valid by the courts and subject to the court’s ability to compel compliance.

It’s hard to imagine a contract being recognized as valid by any court anywhere (except possibly in Louisiana) where there is no specific offer, no acceptance of a specific offer, no financial terms and no termination clause.

Finally, we have the strongest, most binding qualifier of all for a legal contract:

• Competent Parties: parties to a contract must be competent and authorized to enter into a contract.

Wow, that’s a toughie.

Competent?

Hell, the LSU Board of Stuporvisors just gave away the store. How competent is that?

Competent?

Let’s ask a few simple questions of the board members, seven of whom own their own businesses, three are in government/public service, one is a banker, one is a publisher, one is a doctor and one is an attorney:

• Would you, as an executive, doctor, banker, attorney or business owner, allow your company, firm, practice, publication, or bank to enter into a contract with no stipulations, no conditions, no financial considerations—all to be filled in at a later date by someone other than yourself, after the contract has been signed by all parties?

We didn’t think so. So, why would you commit LSU and the State of Louisiana to such an ill-advised agreement?

Competent?

The LSU Board of Stuporvisors just named as the new president of the state’s flagship university a man whose highest academic achievement was that of assistant professor before he succeeded his father to the presidency of Murray State University in Kentucky as if he was the heir to some throne and then was named by his personal friend and benefactor, the chancellor of the University of California system, as president of California State at Long Beach. How competent is that?

Competent?

The Board of Stuporvisors put up a determined fight to keep secret the list of candidates for the LSU presidency.

It’s almost as if they were guarding a highly classified state secret.

Or hiding something.

What could they have been hiding?

Who knows? With the propensity for secrecy that has become the trademark of the Jindal administration, everything is concealed from view. Remember, it was Gov. Bobby Jindal who invented the term “deliberative process” as an all-encompassing term to protect his office from the public’s right to know what its government is up to.

It is Jindal’s Department of Education that has been sued at least three times in efforts to pry public information out of that shadowy department.

It was in Jindal’s Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH) that a controversial $184 million contract was awarded to the former employer of then-DHH Secretary Bruce Greenstein—a contract that is now under the microscope of federal investigators.

One has to wonder at this point how hard a legal battle the Board of Stuporvisors would wage against efforts to determine specifics of the hospital contracts.

Why are we so jaded, so cynical?

We’re not; we’re realistic, pragmatic. We connect the dots. Let’s review.

• Item: The Biomedical Research Foundation of Northwest Louisiana offered to assume administrative and operational control of the LSU Medical Center in Shreveport and E.A. Conway Medical Center in Monroe.

• Item: The President and CEO of the Biomedical Research Foundation of Northwest Louisiana is John F. George, Jr., M.D.

• Item: John F. George, Jr., M.D., is a member of the LSU Board of Stuporvisors.

• Item: John F. George, Jr., M.D., made two contributions of $5,000 each to Jindal’s 2007 and 2008 campaigns.

• Item: The Jindal administration dismissed talk of a conflict of interest by pointing out that George will not receive a salary as president and CEO of the foundation, thereby allowing him to remain as a (voting) member of the LSU Board of Stuporvisors.

• Item: On Oct. 25, 1996, the Louisiana State Board of Ethics ruled that Natchitoches Times Publisher Lovan Thomas was prohibited from participating in a decision by the Board of Trustees for State Colleges and Universities to contract with the Times for printing services and that the participating question “cannot be cured by recusal since (state law) prohibits an appointed member of a board from curing a participating problem through disqualification.”

And lest we forget, there are always those pesky campaign contribution reports that members of many boards and commissions must wish we would forget.

We won’t. We can’t.

Let’s take a quick look at those who found it in their hearts to support Jindal financially and were subsequently rewarded with coveted seats on the LSU Board of Stuporvisors:

• Hank Danos: $18,500;

• Robert “Bobby” Yarborough (former Jindal Campaign Treasurer): $45,000;

• Scott Ballard: $5,000 from his company, WOW Café & Winery Franchising;

• James E. Moore: $21,000 from Moore and his company, the Marriott Courtyard of Monroe;

• Stanley Jacobs: $10,000 from Jacobs and his wife;

• Scott Angelle: $4,000;

• Ray Lasseigne: $17,232 from Lasseigne and his company, TMR Exploration;

• Blake Chatelain: $28,000 from Chatelain and his wife;

• Rolfe McCollister (former Jindal Campaign Manager): $18,000;

• Jack Lawton, Jr.: $61,000 from Lawton, his business interests and family members;

• Chester Lee Mallett: $15,000;

• John George: $10,000.

What’s even more difficult to fathom is that 12 of the 15 members of the LSU Board of Stuporvisors actually coughed up more than a quarter-million dollars for the privilege of serving as a pack of submissive lap dogs for the governor—obviously with no will of their own.

So now, salary or no, George is allowed to serve as President and CEO of the foundation while also serving as a voting member of the LSU Board of Stuporvisors which, in its collective wisdom, has just approved a contract for his foundation to take over the LSU Medical Center in Shreveport and E.A. Conway Medical Center in Monroe—a contract with millions of dollars and hundreds of state jobs at stake—and a contract which contains 50 blank pages but which also:

• contains no specific offer;

• contains no acceptance of a specific offer;

• contains no termination clause and from all appearances to our admittedly layman’s mind;

• is susceptible to a challenge by some indignant taxpayer(s) or group of affected hospital employees in that it could be interpreted as invalid because of the court’s inability to compel compliance, and

• has no competent parties—at least on the LSU Board of Stuporvisors’ side of the bargaining table.

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“You cannot take the freedom of law-abiding Americans, whether you disagree with them or not, and keep your own freedom. When you do that, you go to jail.”

—Gov. Bobby Jindal, speaking to Virginia Republicans earlier this month in saying the Obama administration “bears responsibility” for the Internal Revenue Service investigation of conservative, including the Tea Party.

“It was also YOU who gave the directive to research Tom Aswell.”

—Excerpt from the letter written in March by fired ATC agent Michelle Chavis to Troy Hebert, director of the Office of Alcohol and Tobacco Control. Hebert is an appointee of Gov. Bobby Jindal and serves as a lap dog, er, messenger boy between Jindal and members of the State Legislature.

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It was with more than a little amusement that we read a couple of weeks ago that Gov. Bobby Jindal had called for jail time for any Internal Revenue Service officials found to have unfairly targeted conservative groups to be put in jail.

As usual, Jindal made his indignant, self-righteous proclamation at an out-of-state forum. This time, it was in a speech to Virginia Republicans in yet another stop in his 2016 presidential campaign that would be better suited for a Saturday Night Live parody skit than serious political discourse.

Oh, it’s not that we don’t agree with Jindal on this one point. The IRS certainly is far too powerful and is a force to be feared if one happens to be on the wrong end of a tax audit.

But coming from Jindal, it is simply yet another example of the “reform” governor’s façade of pseudo-transparency—hypocritical at worst, the subject of stinging ridicule at best.

“You do not take the freedoms of law-abiding citizens, whether you disagree with them or not, and keep your own freedom,” the Boy Blunder opined. “When you do that, you go to jail.”

But here’s the thing, Guv: It was only last March 11—not even three months ago—that we learned that one of Bobby’s boys, one Troy Hebert to be precise, director of the Office of Alcohol and Tobacco Control (ATC), had ordered a background investigation on LouisianaVoice editor Tom Aswell (that would be me). Here is the link to that post:

https://louisianavoice.com/2013/03/11/atc-director-troy-hebert-orders-background-investigation-of-louisianavoice-publisher-tom-aswell-but-did-we-pass/

Normally, we would not hold Jindal accountable for the actions of a rogue department head. But now the question must be asked if Hebert’s investigation was truly the action of a rouge department head, of someone who went “off the reservation,” or if the investigation may have been ordered by higher-ups.

Hey, even Henry Kissinger once said paranoid people sometimes have real enemies and recent events and revelations may well justify that paranoia. Read on.

On May 11, we sent a public records request to Superintendent of Education John White and we copied Department of Education (DOE) General Counsel Joan Hunt as is our practice when seeking records.

The request was straightforward enough: we asked for correspondence between White and his old New York boss Joel Klein dating back to July 1, 2011. Specifically, we were attempting to learn what communication the two had conducted relative to InBloom, the company Klein is now affiliated with and which was founded by News Corp. CEO Rupert Murdoch to serve as a “parking place” (in White’s words—a computer data bank, in more formal terms) for sensitive personal information on Louisiana students and teachers.

Hunt, subsequent to our request, fired off an email that same day to White, DOE attorney Willa LeBlanc and Hebert that said, “Troy, we need to reply and say that.”

But Hunt, most likely inadvertently, copied us into the reply as well.

Curious as to why Hebert would be included in the loop since he is about as far removed from DOE as possible (he’s under the Louisiana Department of Revenue) and equally curious as to what was supposed to have been said, we sent another public records request for all correspondence between DOE officials and Hebert.

The response to that request was even more puzzling:

“No Documents. Attorney-client privilege.”

Okay, first there are no documents but if there were, they would be privileged. That’s like the attorney who responded to a claim that his dog had bitten a passerby: “My dog does not bite. My dog was confined in the yard that day. I don’t own a dog.”

Really puzzled now, we sent another email on May 26 reiterating our request for correspondence between DOE and Hebert: “Inasmuch as you took the liberty to send your email to Troy Hebert, director of ATC and who is not an attorney nor is he a client of you or DOE, there is no client-attorney privilege.”

We also told Hunt that her provision of information about me to a non-involved third party constituted a “serious breach” that I was willing to report to the Louisiana Supreme Court’s Attorney Disciplinary Board.

Two days later we received another letter from the DOE legal office which said:

“As was indicated in the Department’s response dated and emailed to you on May 15, 2013, the Department has no public records responsive to your request. Any communications between the Legal Staff of LDOE and Troy Hebert would be privileged (attorney work product/privilege) and not subject to being released pursuant to a public records request. In addition, the Department is not in possession of any emails between Troy Hebert and John White.” There it is again: My dog doesn’t bite; I don’t own a dog.

We remained perplexed as to why Troy Hebert was brought into the conversation about our initial request. As the director of an agency completely removed from DOE, we knew there was no way possible that Hebert could be a client of either DOE or any of its legal staff and that fact only intensified our determination to learn what was going on.

Then we had occasion to interview Sen. Bob Kostelka (R-Monroe) Tuesday night about the Senate and Governmental Affairs deferral of a bill to protect state employee whistleblowers which had passed unanimously in the full House.

In that interview, Kostelka, a remarkably candid public servant, intimated that the committee had killed the bill to protect employees from supervisory reprisals for revealing official wrongdoing because one Troy Hebert had personally contacted each of the committee members to convey the message that the administration, i.e. Jindal, was not in favor of the bill. Kostelka, seeing the proverbial handwriting on the wall, did not object to the motion by Sen. Greg Tarver (D-Shreveport) to defer the bill.

It is not entirely clear why Hebert would be interjecting himself into legislative matters given the somewhat watery thin theory (in the case of Louisiana, at least) of separation of powers under which our state government proclaims to function.

He is, after all, a member of the administration, or executive branch and should not be lobbying the legislative branch. In fact, he is not even a registered lobbyist. And his dog doesn’t bite.

But at least we can now connect the dots as it all comes together. Hebert is one of those hangers-on—kind of like the new kid in town who hangs around the fringes of the playground hoping to make friends with the locals. He will do anything to curry favor with his boss—not exactly a wise career move at this point—including serving as a go-between messenger boy between the governor’s office and legislators.

…And between the governor’s office and DOE.

And Jindal now has the cajones to vilify the IRS for spying.

We bet Jindal doesn’t even own a dog.

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Bobby Jindal as a reform governor in favor of transparency, accountability, integrity, honesty, and ethics, is a joke. A cruel joke.

There, we’ve said it. The man is a chameleon. If you threw him into a big box of crayons, he would explode from system overload.

He says he is for transparency but then he hides behind the deliberative process that he pushed through the legislature shortly after taking office.

Apparently, he also is now hiding behind Troy Hebert, director of the Alcohol and Tobacco Control Agency.

Jindal claims he will not tolerate any compromise of ethics.

To put it bluntly, he lies.

Take House Bill 387 by Rep. John Schroder (R-Covington) for example.

It passed the House unanimously, 100-0 with five members not voting.

On Wednesday, the Senate and Governmental Affairs Committee unceremoniously deferred the bill without objection and with virtually no discussion.

All HB 387 would have done was protect state whistleblowers from reprisals.

The bill said, in part:

• Any public employee who provides information to a legislator or to a legislative committee upon request of a legislator or legislative committee shall be free from discipline, reprisal or threats of discipline or reprisal by the public employer for providing such information;

• No public employee with authority to hire, fire, or discipline employees, supervisor, agency head, nor any elected official shall subject to reprisal or threaten to subject to reprisal any public employee because of the employee’s disclosure of information to a legislator or legislative committee upon request of a legislator or legislative committee;

• If any public employee is suspended, demoted, dismissed, or threatened with suspension, demotion, or dismissal as an act of reprisal in violation of this Section, such employee shall report such action to the Board (of Governmental Ethics);

• An employee who is wrongfully suspended, demoted, or dismissed shall be entitled to reinstatement of his employment and entitled to receive any lost income and benefits for the period of any suspension, demotion, or dismissal;

The bill also provided for punishment of any supervisor who attempted to discipline, demote or fire a whistleblower.

The Jindal administration had opposed the bill as being “too broad,” claiming it could create “unintended consequences” that would inhibit the ability of agency leaders to manage their departments.

The bill was introduced after some state officials who disagreed with the Jindal administration lost their positions (“teagued”) and lawmakers subsequently experienced difficulty in obtaining information from agencies.

Perhaps it was “unintended consequences” that Jindal feared last year when he vetoed Senate Bill 629 by Sen. Ronnie Johns (R-Lake Charles).

SB 629, for those of you who don’t remember, would have provided “’transparency’ reporting to the legislature by the Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH) concerning the Louisiana Medicaid Bayou Health program and the Louisiana Behavioral Health Partnership and Coordinated System of Care programs.”

SB 629 was approved unanimously in the House, by a 102-0 vote with three absences. Then it went to the Senate where is was again approved unanimously, 38-0 with one absence.

Jindal promptly vetoed the bill.

Fast forward six months and the FBI issues a subpoena for all records in the possession of the Division of Administration relative to the $184 million CNSI contract with DHH.

Bruce Greenstein, who was DHH secretary at the time the contract was awarded, had once worked for CNSI and it was learned that he had tweaked the bid requirements in order that CNSI might qualify as a bidder on the contract.

Embarrassed, Jindal cancelled the CNSI contract and Greenstein resigned.

In an unrelated incident, Greenstein eliminated the position of internal auditor at DHH and some months later, a DHH employee was arrested for embezzling funds from the agency. With no internal auditor, how was it that the employee was discovered?

A private investigator.

That’s right, a private investigator. That’s indictment enough of this administration, but to allow the continued intimidation of state employees who know of illegal or unethical activity is to encourage the continued abuse of power by supervisory personnel even as the state treasury is looted.

But Jindal vetoed SB 629 as being unnecessary, perhaps even burdensome.

So now, the Senate and Governmental Affairs Committee, at the urging of Hebert, deferred without objection HB 387.

Sen. Bob Kostelka (R-Monroe), who sits on the committee, said Hebert had contacted every member of the committee to convey the message that the administration was opposed to the bill.

So why is Hebert carrying the water for Jindal? He has enough troubles running his own agency.

Who knows? Perhaps he fancies himself as Jindal’s heir apparent. He has about as much chance of achieving that objective as Jindal has of becoming president.

Kostelka described Schroder as “pissed” at the Senate committee’s deferral of his bill. “I see what’s happening here,” he was quoted by Kostelka as saying as he got up from the witness table to exit the committee room.

So now Jindal has won his version of transparency, accountability, integrity, honesty, and ethics. State employees may now continue to fear leaking information to legislators or the media. Only the bravest will dare come forward now and then only with total confidence that their names will never be divulged—a standing guarantee from LouisianaVoice.

Kostelka said he did not object to the motion by Shreveport Democrat Greg Tarver to defer the bill “because I saw the handwriting on the wall. The governor had gotten to the committee members through Hebert.”

Here are the other Senate and Governmental Affairs Committee members and their email addresses:

• Jody Amedee (R-Gonzales, chairman): amedeej@legis.la.gov

• Mike Walsworth (R-West Monroe, vice-chairman): walsworthm@legis.la.gov

• Jack Donahue (R-Mandeville): donahuej@legis.la.gov

• Jean-Paul Morrell (D-New Orleans): morrelljp@legis.la.gov

• Ed Murray (D-New Orleans): murraye@legis.la.gov

• Jonathan Perry (R-Kaplan): perryj@legis.la.gov

• Neil Riser (R-Columbia): risern@legis.la.gov

• Greg Tarver (D-Shreveport): tarverg@legis.la.gov

If you are predisposed to do so, shoot them an email and ask 1): what they’re trying to hide; 2): why they knuckle under to a lame duck, dishonest, self-absorbed, politically ambitious excuse of a governor, and 3): if they always check their manhood at the door.

The time is long past for the electorate of this state to stand together and call an end to politicians pimping out the state’s resources and contracts to political cronies and campaign contributors.

The only reason to send errand boys like Troy Hebert to massage legislators is to ensure that state government works only for the perpetuation of political corruption and not for the benefit of the governed.

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