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Archive for the ‘Education’ Category

Eighty-eight corporate members of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) made campaign contributions to 66 Louisiana legislators totaling more than $884,000 since 2003, according to records obtained by Capitol News Service.

That comes to about $13,400 per legislator to entice them to cast favorable votes on ALEC legislation ranging from education and pension reform and privatization of state prisons.

It’s downright shameful that our legislators’ votes can be purchased so cheaply, especially on issues that adversely affect the lives of more than 60,000 state employees and teachers…but it’s true.

Baton Rouge Business Report editor Rolfe McCollister said Tuesday that public teachers have abandoned school children in favor of traveling to Baton Rouge on Wednesday to protest Gov. Bobby Jindal’s education reform bills and that Rep. Pat Smith (D-Baton Rouge) is a thief for having stolen the future of multiple generations of children while serving on the East Baton Rouge Parish School Board.

Those comments were about as shallow and lacking of substance as Gov. Jindal’s ridiculous claim that better teachers would help reduce the number of teen pregnancies. One’s first reaction to that would be, “Where did that come from?” but we saw the same report the governor quoted and it looked as idiotic in print as it sounded coming out of the governor’s mouth.

We challenge the governor, right here and right now, to provide a single instance—just one—in which that asinine claim can be substantiated.

But there was really no reason to expect any other reaction from McCollister in consideration of his own financial investment in Gov. Jindal. Apparently no boy wonder governor has ever tried to engineer an advertising boycott of his publication. If that happened, you have to wonder how long it would take him to cry foul.

Teachers have been a favorite scapegoat for legislators for years—legislators who, by the way, have reneged on their obligation to pay down the state pension systems’ $18 billion unfunded accrued liability and are now being called on to tax state workers an additional 3 percent of their paychecks not to pay the UAL but to fill in the holes in the governor’s budget.

But is it really necessary to unleash the financial resources of the corporate world on teachers and state employees?

Apparently so, and the names of many of those corporations are as familiar as, well, Coca Cola, Wal-Mart, AT&T, Cox Communications, Humana, Johnson & Johnson, Anheuser-Busch, Federal Express, UPS, Pfizer, Chevron/Texaco, Bayer, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, BP (yes, that BP), Bristol Meyers, Dow Chemical, Eli Lilly, Entergy, GEICO, General Electric, Hewlett Packard, Hunt-Guillot, John Deere, International Paper, K12 Management (a large but troubled online school corporation), United Health Group, Liberty Mutual, Monsanto, Marathon Oil, Northrup Grumman, Pepsi Cola, Procter & Gamble, Reynolds American, U.S. Airways, Time Warner, Travelers Insurance, Zurich American, UST Affairs (a tobacco lobbyist), Waste Management, Verizon, Walgreens, private prison companies Corrections Cooperation of America and Wackenhut Corrections, and, of course, the biggest of them all, Koch Industries.

There also were four major political action committees—East Pac, West Pac, North Pac and South Pac—all run through the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry (LABI). Two other donor PACs included JazzPAC and Future PAC.

And yet Rolfe McCollister condemns the evil teachers’ unions for their undue influence on the education system.

Many of these corporate donors also have contributed to the Supriya Jindal Foundation for Louisiana’s Children. Some have done both and some contributors to Jindal’s wife’s foundation have also received favorable waivers of state regulations, have been awarded lucrative state contracts or have been the beneficiaries of favorable legislation.

And of course, many recipients of those contributions from ALEC corporations are themselves members of ALEC. Some are no longer in the legislature and several of those have been given positions in the Jindal administration at six-figure salaries that will substantially boost their retirements even as Jindal is asking rank-and-file state employees to take reduced benefits, work longer and pay more.

Among those are current and former legislators Noble Ellington ($55,000 in contributions), Jane Smith ($15,000), Mert Smiley ($8,500), Jim Tucker ($24,000), Jim Fannin ($6,500), Brett Geymann ($37,100), Daniel Martiny ($39,000), Elton Aubert ($35,500), Frank Hoffman ($16,800), Gerald Long ($36,000), Hollis Downs ($15,500), Nickie Monica ($23,500), Robert Adley ($50,400), Tim Burns ($11,500), and Willie Mount ($12,000).

Of those named above, Aubert was the only Democrat. There were others—Republican and Democrat—but their contributions were significantly less than the ones listed here.

And when ALEC issues the call, both the corporations and legislators convene at some conference somewhere. (last year’s national convention was held in New Orleans and hosted by outgoing National President Noble Ellington.)

When the corporate reps and legislators get together, they sit down side by side and the corporations draft legislation for the state lawmakers to take back home and introduce to their respective state legislatures or assemblies.

And it shall be called progress in much the same manner as the deregulation of mortgage and investment banks was called progress.

And savings and loans before that.

What could possibly go wrong?

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“We will discuss what you as a state legislator can do to address a variety of issues surrounding K-12 education reform, including charter schools accessibility, accountability and transparency, standards for teacher excellence, open enrollment, vouchers, tax credits and blended learning options.”

–Invitation from the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) to state legislators to attend ALEC’s Education Reform Academy in Amelia Island, Florida on Feb. 3-4. ALEC paid travel and hotel accommodations for attending legislators but barred the media and general public from the meeting.

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Gov. Bobby Jindal’s education reform package has some interesting bedfellows, including a national organization that writes legislation which it spoon feeds to state lawmakers throughout the U.S. and a local organization with ties to Jindal political campaigns past and present.

The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), which boasts that its membership comprises about a third of all state legislators in the U.S., regularly holds conferences and seminars at which it unveils proposed legislation for its members to take home for enactment.

Believe in Louisiana, a Baton Rouge Political 527 non-profit corporation, has been running television ads throughout the state in support of Jindal’s education reform legislation.

Believe in Louisiana is headed by Rolfe McCollister, publisher of the Baton Rouge Business Report and former chairman of Jindal’s 2007 transition team and treasurer of his most recent campaign for governor. McCollister also made five separate contributions to Jindal’s first two gubernatorial campaigns totaling $17,000.

Also making five contributions totaling $8,500 was Business Report President Julio Melara. Melara also is president of two other Baton Rouge publications, 1012 Magazine (for Interstates 10 and 12 that run through Baton Rouge) and 225 Magazine (Baton Rouge is in telephone Area Code 225).

Before entering the publishing business Melara worked as an advertising salesman for a New Orleans radio station.

Within weeks of becoming governor in January 2008, Jindal appointed Melara to the Louisiana Superdome Commission.

At the same time, Jindal appointed six other members to the Superdome Commission. They included Chairman Ron Forman of New Orleans, David Chosen of Lake Charles, Bill Windham of Bossier City, J.E. Brignac of Prairieville, Tim Coulon of Harvey and Robert Bruno of New Orleans.

Most of those contributed to various Jindal gubernatorial campaigns. Forman gave $2,000 in 2011; Bruno, his wife, and law firm gave $28,500 between 2007 and 2010; Windham and his wife made six contributions between 2003 and 2011 totaling $30,000; Brignac, his wife and business gave $22,200 between 2007 and 2011, and Coulon’s own political campaign for Jefferson Parish President and his consulting company gave Jindal $7,500 in 2007 and 2009, records show.

Coulon, as an agent of Lagniappe Industries, was implicated in 2010 in the federal investigation into the parish’s $160 million contract with the River Birch Land Fill, owned by Fred Heebe and his stepfather Albert Ward. Heebe also made a $2,500 in-kind contribution to Jindal in 2008.

Coulon, while serving as parish president, appointed Ward to the board of West Jefferson Hospital. Ward subsequently voted to replace the hospital’s insurance carrier with Lagniappe.

Though there is nothing to link Melara directly to the land fill or insurance deals, Jindal never returned any of the donations from those individuals.

Former State Rep. Noble Ellington of Winnsboro is the immediate past national president of ALEC and hosted the organization’s annual convention in New Orleans last August.

Ellington, who did not run for re-election following a 24-year career in the Louisiana Legislature, was recently appointed to the number two position at the Louisiana Department of Insurance at a salary of $150,000 per year.

Besides Ellington, at least 52 current and former House members and 18 current or former members of the Senate are affiliated with ALEC, either as members or attendees at ALEC events.

As recently as last month, ALEC hosted a secretive “education academy” on Amelia Island off the coast of Florida. The meeting was “invitation only” and closed to the pubic and the media—especially the media.

That meeting followed closely on the heels of the release of ALEC’s 17th annual Report Card on American Education.

The report was authored by Matthew Lardner and Dan Lips, both of whom are affiliated with the right-wing Republican organizations the Goldwater Institute and the Heritage Foundation. The two gave overall grades to every state’s public schools based on how they rated in 14 categories.

ALEC has been drafting and promoting education bills for more than two decades in its effort to privatize public education through a growing network of school voucher systems that divert taxpayer dollars away from public schools. Those public dollars are used to create new private charter schools in the name of reform.

The ALEC 130-page report card is sorely lacking in any real evidence that school choice, charters, or firing teachers improves student performance.

The National Assessment for Education Progress (NAEP) exam is the largest and most accepted national, standardized assessment of student knowledge in several subject areas.

Massachusetts, Vermont, New Jersey, Colorado, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, North Carolina, Kansas, New Hampshire and New York are listed as the top 10 states in NAEP performance.

Yet, from those 10, only Colorado was among the 13 states the ALEC report card gives a B or better. Vermont, which scored number two on the NAEP, tied for dead last for policy with a D+ on the ALEC report card. Conversely, Missouri, ALEC’s standard-bearer with an A- grade, scored 47th on NAEP.

John Underwood, dean of the School of Education at the University of Wisconsin, said the ALEC agenda has nothing to do with educating students. He said tables ranking states according to the NAEP performance of low-income students, students of color and students with disabilities, potentially the most interesting, revealing and useful data in the ALEC report, was not factored into ALEC’s final grade.

“Why is that not part of the states’ A to F grades?” Underwood asked. Missouri, he said, ranked 43rd in low-income students’ fourth grade reading score improvement and 34th in math improvement, but still got ALEC’s top grade. Maryland was number one in reading improvement and number two in math improvement, but got a C- from ALEC.

The answer is quite simple: someone is skewing the numbers—and NAEP’s testing procedures have been around a lot longer than ALEC’s.

But then, numbers can be tweaked to advance just about any theory. Someone once said, “There are lies, there are damned lies, and there are statistics.” At this juncture, ALEC appears to be the one playing with the statistics and tweaking the numbers.

For that “Education Academy” on Amelia Island, Florida, last month, ALEC’s invitation said the organization’s goal was “to ensure the successful and productive education for all American students.”

The invitation even offered to pick up the tab for attendees: “You are cordially invited to attend ALEC’s K-12 Education Reform Academy, February 3-4, 2012 at the Ritz-Carlton in Amelia Island, Florida. For invited legislators like you, ALEC will cover your room for up to two nights at the host hotel. ALEC will also reimburse up to $500 for travel expenses, which includes coach airfare, cab fare, and a reimbursement of 55.5 cents per mile driven.

“This event will address the top reforms in K-12 education that ALEC believes each state must have to ensure the successful and productive education for all American students. We will discuss what you as a state legislator can do to address a variety of issues surrounding K-12 education reform, including charter schools accessibility, accountability and transparency standards for teacher excellence, open enrollment, vouchers, tax credits and blended learning options.”

It’s ironic how ALEC—and Jindal—toss around those two words accountability and transparency in their rhetoric to reinforce their respective public images, yet run and hide when asked to deliver. It would seem they want those principles applied to others, but not themselves.

With apologies to The Wizard of Oz author Frank Baum, they’d rather remain behind the curtain where they can pull the levers and push the buttons while luring the metaphoric Dorothy (voters) down the Yellow Brick Road.

There you have it. Jindal’s education reform package is not his own any more than prison privatization or the overhaul of state employee retirement can be claimed by him as original ideas.

He has his marching orders and ALEC is calling the shots.

And you may be assured that any member of the Louisiana Legislature who goes along with these “reforms” is likewise listening to the corporate powers behind the curtain that shields ALEC from public view.

Does anyone remember the economic collapse and political chaos that came about when we allowed Wall Street to write the rules?

Does anyone see the damages already done by the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision?

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Gov. Bobby Jindal’s legal advisors, if they have not already done so, certainly should be obtaining copies of legal rulings by judges in New Hampshire and Arizona before moving forward with the governor’s radical state civil service employee retirement reform package.

If, on the other hand, the administration has not been paying attention, it could be in for a surprise if the governor’s retirement bills are signed into law and subsequently challenged in court. And it’s all but certain the issue will end up in the hands of lawyers if the legislature accepts Jindal’s recommendations to tax state employees while reducing benefits.

Leading the charge against Jindal’s reverse gang rape of some 47,000 active rank-and-file state employees is perhaps the one person in state government who is immune from being Teagued by the governor—Cindy Rougeou.

Rougeou is executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System, commonly known as LASERS. She lost no time in taking the governor to task for his plan that would require employees to work longer, contribute more (but not for their retirements), and accept less in retirement benefits.

Calling Jindal’s plan “a rush to judgment,” Rougeou says that like a mortgage, the state owes a debt to the four state retirement systems and in decades past, the state failed to meet its full obligation to pay the employer share of the benefits offered.

Despite that, she says, “The assertion that under current law, the UAL (unfunded accrued liability) could be expected to grow by $3 billion in 10 years is false.”

Jindal’s reform package does not address the teachers, school employees or state police retirement systems, she noted, adding that LASERS accounts for only about a third of the $18.5 billion total UAL of all four retirement systems. “A recent Pew report pointed out that Louisiana is one of the top 10 states for paying the actuarially-required rate,” she said.

Perhaps the most important observation by Rougeou was when she said, “The proposals are being touted as measures to attain and maintain the actuarial soundness of the pension systems. Yet funds that would be raised, for example the increase in employee contributions, are not being used to reduce pension debt, but are instead being funneled into the state general fund.”

She noted correctly that the proposed employee contribution increase of 3 percent, which also would not be applied toward greater retirement benefits, is tantamount to a tax increase assessed only against state employees.

Remember, too, that Jindal claims to have held fast to his promise of no new taxes—even in the face of this proposed tax to be imposed on state employees. But then, neither did he consider tuition increases for college and university students a “new tax.” Something to be said about consistency there.

To recap, Jindal’s retirement package, besides requiring an additional 3 percent contribution by employees, also would change retirement benefits in mid-stream from a defined benefit to a defined contribution plan and would require employees to work to age 67 before qualifying for retirement.

Rougeou said it would be unfair to compare Jindal’s proposals to changes in corporate plans because LASERS members have neither corporate plans nor social security. “They have only their LASERS defined benefit plan,” she said.

In fact, she said, LASERS members, in addition to the percentage paid by the state, pay contributions of 7.5 percent or 8 percent, depending on their date of hire whereas Social Security benefits require contributions of 6.2 percent from both employees and employers.

“The retirement benefits of current employees are part of the package of compensation they (state workers) were promised when hired; any change to that package is breaking the promise made to those employees,” she said. “Saying that promises are being kept, and keeping promises are two different things.”

Rougeou noted that in 1991, West Virginia instituted a defined contribution plan but switched back to a defined benefit plan four years later when it was found to be less expensive.

A Bloomberg National Poll released on March 9 reveals that 63 percent of respondents do not feel that states should be able to break their promises to retirees. The poll showed that using public employees as political pawns has failed to attract widespread support from a public far more concerned about unemployment than government deficits—deficits that one respondent said are a result of the economy and years of tax cuts and not the actions of public employees.

Another issue that has never been addressed by the administration is that of air time purchased by individuals. The purchase of credit, or air time, was approved by the legislature only a couple of years ago, giving employees the option of purchasing, at considerable expense to them, time that could be applied to their retirement. One individual spent $18,000 to buy four years and other $60,000 for 13 years. What will become of those investments if Jindal’s proposals become law? Will these individuals be reimbursed? Would they get interest in addition to their initial investments?

The same question holds for those who transferred military time to the state retirement system.

One man who worked for the state for 25 years before entering the private sector noted that his wife also has 25 years in LASERS, “but she is only 48.” Currently, a state employee may retire at 100 percent of his or her salary after 40 years of service. If his wife is required to work to age 67—another 19 years—she will have 44 years’ service. The question then arises, would she—and the state—be required to continue making contributions to LASERS during her final four years of employment?

As it now stands, she would be able to retire at 75 percent of her income in five years, at age 53. Under Jindal’s package, she would be required to work an additional 14 years.

“We have planned our retirement based on what we were told that retirement would be,” he said. “Now to change the rules in the middle of the game puts us way, way behind in our retirement preparations…and we are facing a nightmare.”

Echoing the sentiments of the Bloomberg poll respondent, he said, “None of this retirement mess was the fault of any state employee.” He said it was obvious “that no one in the administration has even looked at this from an unbiased viewpoint. If they did, they could be fired (Teagued).”

State Civil Service employees are eligible for retirement after 30 years of service at any age, after 25 years of service at age 55, and after 10 years of service at age 60.

LASERS provided LouisianaVoice with information that shows there are about 3,000 LASERS rank-and-file members under the age of 55 with 25 or more years of service. There are an additional 1,100 who are 55 or older with 25 or more years of service.

Of the 47,000 rank-and-file LASERS members, approximately 9,900, or 21 percent of the total, are eligible for immediate retirement.

A radical retirement reform package such as that being promoted by Jindal would, in all probability, result in massive retirements before next July should his package pass legislative muster. Such an en masse exodus could conceivably wreak havoc on the ability of state government to function.

“Many of those employees already have vested rights in their retirement benefits,” Rougeou said. “To change provisions, such as those targeted, would violate the constitutional restriction against impairing existing benefits.

“Employees who are not yet vested have contractual rights to their benefits,” she added. “The Louisiana Constitution provides that membership in the retirement system is a contractual relationship between the employee and the employer.

“More basically, the retirements of current employees are part of the package of compensation they were promised when hired; any change to that package is breaking the promise made to those employees,” she said.

“We also recognize the federal constitution’s prohibition against the impairment of contractual obligations and the passage of ex post facto laws.”

Lest one think Rougeou’s statements are the rants of some malcontent with an axe to grind or someone with a personal vendetta, let us consider those two state court cases we mentioned at the outset.

Plans similar to those being put forward by Jindal did not pass the judicial smell tests in those states.

Judges in Phoenix, Arizona, and Concord, New Hampshire, said requirements by those state that employees pay higher contributions were unconstitutional because they broke the contract between employees and the states which guaranteed workers that they would not be asked to pay additional amounts after being hired unless they received improved benefits in return (emphasis ours).

The legal precept for the rulings harkens back to the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits lawmakers from diminishing or impairing a contract.

“The state has impaired its own contract,” said Superior Court Judge Eileen Willett in Maricopa County (Phoenix), Arizona. “By paying a higher proportionate share for their pension benefits than they had been required to pay when hired, [state workers] are forced to pay additional consideration for a benefit which has remained the same.”

Across the country, Merrimack County (Concord, N.H.) Superior Court Judge Richard McNamara said the 2 percent to 2.5 percent increase in employee contributions would substantially impair the contract with employees “because it requires employees to pay additional amounts without receiving (any) additional benefit(s).”

Next door, the State of Vermont negotiated an agreement whereby state employees would be required to both work longer and pay more for benefits, but would be given more generous pensions in return.

Jindal has never once offered to negotiate with state employees or even to listen to employee concerns.

There are other cases elsewhere, as well. A New Jersey court overturned increased contributions imposed on New Jersey’s judges, saying the increases amounted to a pay cut. Judges are not very keen on pay cuts for themselves.

In California, Gov. Jerry Brown proposed higher contributions from state workers but both legal and legislative analysts have warned him to abandon that idea in favor of limiting the increase to new hires.

In the cases of Arizona and New Hampshire, district court rulings in those states certainly do not bind a court in another state like, say, Louisiana. But the arguments of the courts in those states could easily apply to similar pending litigation filed by Louisiana employees.

Robert Klausner, a Florida attorney who specializes in public pension law, is certainly paying attention even if Jindal’s Chief of Staff Stephen Waguespack and Executive Counsel Elizabeth Murrill may not be.

“Given the tenacity of the fights going on nationwide,” Klausner said, “those who are looking for support of the contract theory will seize upon these cases as examples of overreaching by government.”

Is anyone paying attention on the fourth floor of the State Capitol?

Anyone? Anyone? Bueller? Bueller? Anyone?

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“We are going to create a system that pays teachers for doing a good job instead of for the length of time they have been breathing.”

Gov. Bobby Jindal, unveiling his education reform package before the annual meeting of the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry on Jan. 17.

“It’s a Biblical principle: if you double a teacher’s pay scale, you’ll attract people who aren’t called to teach.”

–Alabama State Senator Shadrack McGill (R-Woodville), speaking at a prayer breakfast in Fort Payne, Alabama, earlier this week. At the same time, he defended a 62 percent legislative pay increase as a deterrent to lobbyist influence.

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