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Archive for the ‘Campaign Contributions’ Category

Just as Gannett breaks the scandal of American Legislative Exchange Council influence on Gov. Piyush Jindal, it appears to have missed an even bigger story currently developing in St. Tammany Parish.

It’s taken awhile, but Gannett Louisiana papers have become the first of the metropolitan dailies in Louisiana to finally take notice of the incredible influence that ALEC holds over the legislative process in Louisiana.

Not that Louisiana is the only state in which ALEC’s agenda has surfaced in the form of proposed legislation calling for the privatization of education, prisons and Medicaid as well as radical employee pension “reform,” but it just happens to be the state that LouisianaVoice has been writing about for the better part of a year now.

We were beginning to think no one was listening—certainly not the New Orleans and Baton Rouge dailies.

But in the last few days the Monroe News-Star (and probably sister publications as well) have begun running teasers to that effect that beginning Sunday, Gannett papers in Monroe, Shreveport, Alexandria, Opelousas and Lafayette will launch a weekly series “Education for sale: How big business shapes reforms.”

The promotional blurb went on to say that since Jindal first ran for governor in 2003, he “has been funded by the American Legislative Exchange Council.” It said Jindal’s education reforms “also bear a striking resemblance to ALEC’s model.”

LouisianaVoice, of course, has been saying that all along, even giving examples of model legislation passed at various ALEC conferences from San Diego to Washington, D.C., from Chicago to New Orleans.

We have repeatedly hammered on the tens of thousands of dollars ALEC poured into campaigns of not only Jindal but Louisiana legislators who are members of ALEC. The immediate past president of the national organization is former State Rep. Noble Ellington (R-Winnsboro).

But an even bigger story is that of the possible laundering of as much as $95,000 in illegal money into Jindal’s 2007 campaign for governor.

What’s more, Jindal political advisor Timmy Teepell says Jindal isn’t giving the tainted money back.

Federal prosecutors have charged a Covington businessman in a Bill of Information with bank fraud.

Richard Blossman, Jr., is accused of funneling $55,000 through Central Progressive Bank of Lacombe into Jindal’s campaign.

Central Progressive, after becoming a “troubled bank” last year, was taken over by First NBC Bank of New Orleans in November.

Last month the Louisiana Board of Ethics said Jindal received $40,000 in campaign contributions from River Birch, Inc. when the company formed six “straw man entities” to launder illegal donations to Jindal.

River Birch Landfill had its offices in Gretna raided by federal agents in September of 2010 after landing a controversial $160 million garbage disposal contract with Jefferson Parish in 2009.

The federal Bill of Information says that Blossman, while CEO of Central Progressive Bank, gave each of his 11 board members a $5,000 bonus. In reality, however, none of the $5,000 bonus payments ever went to a board members, according to Raphael Goyeneche, president of the New Orleans Metropolitan Crime Commission.

Immediately after the bonuses were announced by Blossman, federal prosecutors say 11 checks of $5,000 each were sent to Jindal’s campaign in the names of each of the board members.

“The defendant well knew the ‘bonus’ was to funnel illegal political contributions and was not a bonus, as he caused it to be inscribed in the board minutes,” prosecutors said.

“That is a felony,” Goyeneche said.

The limit for political contributions is $5,000. But with all of the board members donating their $5,000 of Central Progressive Bank funds, the donation came to $55,000.

While it was not immediately clear if the board members knew the money was being contributed in their names, there was at least one indication that they were unaware of the contributions.

CNS attempted to put that question to each of the board members. No one answered at seven of the numbers called, two numbers had been disconnected. One board member, Raymond Fontaine of Slidell said he had no comment. At another, CNS at first reached Douglas Ferrer, Sr., father of board member Douglas Ferrer, Jr. The elder Ferrer referred to Central Progressive as “that no-good bank” and added that his son was unaware of the contribution made in his name.

When contacted, Douglas Ferrer, Jr. of Lacombe at first explained that he had been involved in litigation against the bank and that the settlement agreement contained a non-disclosure clause that prohibited him from commenting. When told that he father had said he knew nothing of the campaign contribution, he then said, “My dad doesn’t lie. You can take that for what it’s worth.” Given the fact his father had already commented, the younger Ferrer finally said, “I think none of the others were aware of the contributions.”

Besides Fontaine, Ferrer and Blossman, the other eight board members who ostensibly made $5,000 campaign contributions to Jindal, all on April 6, 2007, according to Jindal’s campaign finance report, included Welton Brumfield, Jr., address unknown, Charles Law Ponder of Kentwood, Edward Amar, Jr., of Tickfaw, Brandon Faciane of Slidell, Ralph Menetre of Covington, Jim Venezia, Sr., of Pearl River, Henry Powell, Jr. of Lacombe and Mark Perrilloux of Ponchatoula.

The Louisiana Office of Financial Institutions, which provided the names of the board members pursuant to a public records request by CNS, noted that Menetre was elected to the board on January 29, 2007 and that Perrilloux left the board on December 10, 2007.

Goyeneche said the fact that Blossman was charged in a bill of information as opposed to being indicted indicates that he has not only agreed to a deal, “but is cooperating with authorities.”

Goyeneche also said that while Jindal does not have a legal obligation to return the money, he feels the governor does have a moral and ethical obligation to do so. “I would say that ethically, if any public official realizes they received inappropriate campaign contributions, the ethical thing would be to return that money,” he said.

Teepell, who ran Jindal’s 2007 campaign, says that ain’t happening.

He said that neither he nor Jindal knew that the donations from the 11 board members might be tainted.

“We accept every contribution in good faith and in accordance with the law,” he sniffed.

When asked if Blossman received anything in return for the donations, Teepell said, “No, absolutely not. Everybody who donates to our campaign gets the same thing and that is good government.”

Really?

Let’s review.

• LaShip, owned by Gary Chouest was a direct beneficiary of Jindal’s $10 million state investment in the expansions of the Port of Terrebonne in 2008. Chouest, his family, and his various business ventures combined to contribute $85,000 to Jindal;

• Lonnie Pilgrim and Foster Farms of California made generous contributions to Jindal’s campaign and when Pilgrim’s Pride decided to close its chicken plan in Farmerville, it was Jindal put up $50 million of state money so that Foster Farms could take over the plant’s operations;

• Former State Rep. Noble Ellington, he of the ALEC national presidency, did not run for re-election last fall after 24 years in the legislature but he did have the presence of mind to contribute to Jindal’s campaign. Upon leaving office, he settled comfortably into a $150,000 position in the Department of Insurance;

• Former St. Tammany Parish President Kevin Davis ran unsuccessfully for lieutenant governor but hedged his bets by contributing a couple of thousand to Jindal and another thousand to the Republican Party. He now serves as Jindal’s $165,000 Director of the Governor’s Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness (GOHSEP);

• Former St. Bernard Parish President Craig Taffaro (who lost his re-election bid) contributed $2,000 to Jindal’s choice for lieutenant governor William Nungesser and was appointed the new Director of Hazard Mitigation and Recovery (whatever that is) at $150,000 per year;

• Former State Rep. Kay Katz (R-Monroe) contributed $1,000 to Jindal and $3,000 to the Republican Party. She is now a member of the Louisiana Tax Commission at a salary of $56,000 per year;

• Former State Rep. Jane Smith (R-Bossier City), term limited, was by no means limited in her largesse. She gave $3,000 to Jindal, $2,500 to the ABC Pelican Political Action Committee (PAC), $1,000 to the AT&T PAC, $500 to the Health Agents PAC, $500 to the Louisiana Association of Wholesalers PAC, $1,000 to the Louisiana Realtors PAC, $500 to NORPAC and $2,500 to North PAC, a political action committee controlled by the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry. Her reward? She was appointed Deputy Secretary in the Louisiana Department of Revenue and Taxation at $107,500;

• Former Rep. Mert Smiley (R-St. Amant) did not seek re-election, choosing instead to run for Ascension Parish tax assessor. He was elected but won’t take office until later this year. He contributed $2,000 to the Republican Party and Jindal was grateful enough to appoint him to the part time position on the State Pardon Board at $36,000 per year;

• And, of course, there is the Stelly Plan. One of Jindal’s first acts was to repeal the plan despite warnings that it would cost the state $350 million the first year. His rationale was that the repeal would save single income tax filers up to $500 year on their state income tax and joint filers as much as $1,000. What he did not tell us was that single filers would have to make $90,000 to save the $500 and joint filers would have to pull in $150,000 to reap the $1,000 savings. Louisiana’s median household (that’s household, mind you) income was $43,635 in 2010.

And we haven’t even mentioned the 200 or so who contributed nearly $800,000 to Jindal’s campaigns and were rewarded with plum positions on choice state commissions and boards.

Nor have we mentioned Penny Dastugue’s actions just this past week. Dastugue, president of the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE), said she conferred with other BESE members and they would urge the Senate to reject the House decision to strip a provision that allows future state funds to pay college tuition for students who graduate early.

What’s wrong with that, you ask? Well, for starters, it is strictly forbidden (as in illegal) to take a straw vote outside of a public meeting.

And finally, there is the little matter of vouchers. The ink had not even dried on Jindal’s signature enacting the voucher law when the Department of Education was rocked with its very first voucher scandal. The New Living Word School in Ruston was approved for 315 vouchers worth about $2.7 million.

The school does not have classroom space, teachers, or computers to accommodate the students but the school’s principal, Rev. Jerry Baldwin, said the school is moving forward “on faith.” Apparently that was the only criteria considered by the department in awarding the vouchers.

Oh, and lest we forget, there’s that matter of a $2,500 ethics fine that Jindal paid less than a month after taking office in 2008 for campaign violations when his campaign failed to timely disclose more than $100,000 spent on his behalf by the state Republican Party.

Could these be the prime examples of Jindal “good government” to which Mr. Teepell alluded?

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“Our governor, a proponent of less government spending, sure does spend a lot of time out of state on the taxpayers’ dime to promote himself.”

–Unidentified reader, responding to Baton Rouge Advocate story about Gov. Jindal’s upcoming trip to speak to The American Federation of Children next month in New Jersey.

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The Louisiana Board of Ethics is grappling with the task of establishing parameters that would spell out which types of campaign expenditures are and are not permitted.

But don’t look for the Louisiana legislature to provide any guidance on the issue.

The seemingly reform-minded lawmakers appear eager to reform education, prisons, Medicaid, group benefits and state employee retirement programs but seem to be incapable or unwilling to tackle campaign spending reform.

That’s because no fewer than 51 current and former legislators have spent more than $400,000 in campaign funds for LSU athletic events since 2007.

And that figure does not even include ticket costs to other state college and university athletic events, various membership dues to civic clubs, country clubs and Mardi Gras krewes and even a few isolated cases of ethics fine payments from campaign funds. Some elected officials have even used campaign contributions to hire baby sitters and to purchase vehicles, including in one instance, a Jaguar.

Chief ethics administrator Kathleen Allen said her staff will use federal rules as well as compiling its own list of expenditures considered as non-allowed personal use of campaign funds in an effort to come up with new rules.

Allen said the Ethics Board has suggested that the 2012 Legislature change state law to be more specific about how campaign contributions may be spent. Present law says that contributions “shall not be used, loaned, or pledged by any person for any personal use unrelated to a political campaign or the holding of public office.”

Allen said federal and state laws regarding campaign expenditures are essentially the same but that the federal rules go a bit further by setting parameters for permissible use of campaign money.

She said Ethics Board members would proceed with rule-making even if the Legislature punts on the issue as it has historically done.

The board made recommendations to the legislature in the past have been largely ignored. It again this year sent a list of 20 proposals to both the legislature and to Gov. Bobby Jindal.

But of 1,033 bills filed in the House and another 639 in the Senate, not one addresses limiting the expenditure of campaign funds to purposes related to running for or holding office.

“I just wonder how much they (legislators) look at them, board member Cedric Lowrey of Alexander said of the recommendations.

The board, among other things, is recommending:

Giving the board’s investigatory staff authority to conduct random audits of personal financial disclosure reports;

Changing the time frame required to enforce ethics laws (current law starts the clock from the time a complaint is filed; the board wants to change that to the time it receives notice of an alleged violation);

Eliminating the filing of redundant election day expenditure reports;

Clarify the roles of the Board of Ethics and the Ethics Adjudicatory Board as it relates to policing of campaign disclosure laws.

If campaign expenditure reports are any indication, it would seem the legislature would want to get its own house in order before reforming a multitude of other state programs just because Gov. Bobby Jindal, like Chicken Little, keeps telling us the sky is falling.

Take for example the Louisiana Election Code (Title 18:1505.2-I, paragraph 36 on page 36): “No candidate, political committee, person required to file reports under this chapter, nor any other person shall use a contribution, loan, or transfer of funds to pay a fine, fee or penalty imposed (by the State Ethics Board.)”

Yet The Louisiana Board of Ethics web page list no fewer than 56 separate instances in which ethics fines were paid with campaign funds. Some of these were paid by political action committees (The Alliance for Good Government paid $1,600 from its campaign funds and the Better Government Political Action Committee paid $5,000 from its campaign funds), some by lobbyists and these, by current or former legislators:

• Rep. James Armes, III (D-Leesville)—$2,600 (two fines);

• Former House Speaker Charles DeWitt (D-Alexandria)—$5,000;

• Former Rep. Tom McVea (R-St. Francisville)—$720;

• Former Sen. Walter Boasso (D-Chalmette)—$1,000;

• Former Rep. Irma Muse Dixon (D-New Orleans)—$600;

• Former Rep. Dale Sittig (D-Eunice)—$800;

• Former Sen. Joel Chaisson, II (D-Destrehan)—$5,000 (two fines);

• Sen. Richard Gallot (D-Ruston)—$1,000.

But the real eye-opener is the list of expenditures for LSU athletic season and individual game tickets. Here are a few example of current members of the House and Senate who have dipped into campaign funds to pay for tickets and parking:

• Senate President John Alario (R-Westwego)—$8,022 in 2009 and 2011;

• Rep. John Anders (D-Vidalia)—$9,142 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. James Armes, III (D-Leesville)—$11,688 in 2008, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Jeff Arnold (D-New Orleans)—$3,000 in 2011;

• Rep. John Berthelot (R-Gonzales)—$7,770, all in 2011;

• Rep. Thomas Carmody, Jr. (R-Shreveport)—$11,556 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Sen. Karen Carter Peterson (D-New Orleans)—$3,738 in 2009 and 2010;

• Sen. Norbert Chabert (R-Houma)—$3,015 in 2010;

• Sen. Sherri Smith Buffington (R-Keithville)—$10,798 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. George Cromer (R-Slidell)—$8,638 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Hunter Greene (R-Baton Rouge)—$6,394 in 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Frank Hoffman (R-West Monroe)—$11,106 in 2008, 2010 and 2011;

• House Speaker Charles Kleckley (R-Lake Charles)—$17,492 in 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Bernard LeBas (D-Ville Platte)—$11,316 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Sen. Jean Paul Morrell (D-New Orleans)—$8,043 in 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. James Morris (R-Oil City)—$2,735 in 2009;

• Sen. Dan Morrish (R-Jennings)—$2,978 in 2009;

• Sen. Jonathan Perry (R-Kaplan)—$16,653 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Stephen Pugh (R-Ponchatoula)—$5,900, all in 2011;

• Rep. Jerome Richard (I-Thibodaux)—$2,678 in 2009;

• Rep. Joel Robideaux (R-Lafayette)—$11,889 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. John Schroder (R-Covington)—$1,708 in 2009;

• Sen. Gary Smith (R-Gonzales)—$14,952 in 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Regina Barrow (D-Baton Rouge)—$5,238 in 2008 and 2009;

• Rep. Patrick Connick (R-Marrero)—$8,448 in 2008, 2010 and 2011;

• Rep. Mike Danahay (D-Sulphur)—$10,156 in 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Sen Daniel Martiny (R-Metairie)—$7,466 in 2007, 2009 and 2011;

• Rep. Kevin Pearson (R-Slidell)—$3.010, all in 2010;

• Sen. Francis Thompson (D-Delhi)—$8,955 in 2009, 2010 and 2011.

But for sheer audacity, none even came close to the $150,000 man, former Rep. Noble Ellington, who spent $32,380 of his campaign funds since 2007, more than $8,000 of which was spent in 2011 when he did not seek re-election.

Ellington, you may remember, is the immediate past national president of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and within weeks of leaving office, was named the second in command at the Louisiana Department of Insurance at $150,000 per year, a position which will greatly enhance his retirement benefits at the same time Gov. Jindal is asking state employees to work longer, pay more in employee contributions and accept fewer benefits-and at the same time more than a dozen classified employees in the Department of Insurance are being laid off.

Other former legislators who found no problem soliciting campaign contributions from supporters only to use the money to purchase LSU athletic tickets included:

• Former Rep. Bobby Badon (D-Carencro)—$8,448 in 2008, 2010 and 2011;

• Former Rep. Damon Baldone (R-Houma)—$8,865 in 2007, 2008, 2010 and 2011;

• Former Sen. Nick Gautreaux (D-Meaux)—$3,060 in 2010;

• Former Rep. Walker Hines (R-New Orleans)—$5,688 in 2010;

• Former Sen. Mike Michot (R-Lafayette)—$14,797 in 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Former Sen. Rob Marionneaux (D-Maringouin)—$6,075 in 2010 and 2011;

• Former Rep. Billy Montgomery (R-Bossier City)—$4,075 in 2011 (Montgomery has not served in the legislature since 2008.);

• Former Rep. Ricky Templet (R-Gretna)—$8,638 in 2009, 2010 and 2011;

• Former Rep. Ernest Wooton (R-Belle Chasse)—$4,755 in 2009 and 2011;

• Former Rep. Troy Hebert (D-Jeanerette)—$4,580 in 2010;

• Rep. Nickie Monica (R-LaPlace)—$9.670 in 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011;

Some of the current and former legislators listed their expenditures as “donations,” but the “donations” often were in multiples of $1,010: $1,010, $2,020 and $3,030. Interestingly, other legislators listed identical amounts, but their reports said the expenditures were to purchase tickets which would seem to bring the claim of donations into question.

Another question that the legislators might want to address to constituents: would they have made those same ticket purchases if they had not had the campaign funds at their disposal.

But don’t expect any answers to that question. It’s not likely they will even acknowledge the need to reform campaign expenditure rules.

It will be interesting to see which of these current legislators will cave to the governor’s pressure to support retirement reform and how many will grow a set and stand up to Jindal, aka Nixon Redux.

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BATON ROUGE (CNS)—The influence of lobbyists and campaign contributions was never more in evidence than in last week’s House votes on two separate education bills being pushed hard by the Jindal administration.

Of the 62 House members who are current or former members of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) or attended ALEC conferences, accepted campaign contributions from corporate members of ALEC, from education reform lobbyists or from Gov. Bobby Jindal himself, 46 voted in favor of HB 974 and 43 voted for HB 976.

In all, more than $523,000 was doled out in campaign contributions to 50 House members—an average of more than $10,000 each—by lobbyists or corporate entities affiliated with ALEC who supported the bills or from Jindal’s own campaign funds.

Even more telling, of those 50 campaign contribution recipients, only five voted against both bills and two others split their votes. Reps. Brett Geymann (R-Lake Charles), Jim Morris (R-Oil City), Andy Anders (D-Vidalia), Joe Harrison (R-Gray) and Dorothy Hill (D-Dry Creek) each voted no on both bills.

Rep. Gregory Miller (R-Norco) voted in favor of HB 974 but against HB 976 while Rep. Patrick Williams (D-Shreveport) voted for HB 976 but was opposed to HB 974. Rep. Hunter Greene (R-Baton Rouge) did not vote on HB 974 but voted for HB 976.

Both bills have been criticized by newspapers throughout the state, as well as teachers as being too hurried and not well conceived by the administration.

One of the criticisms by proponents and opponents alike is the problem of classroom space for students wishing to transfer from so-called failing schools to charter schools, with tuition being paid by state-funded vouchers.

Another question, raised in the House Education Committee by Rep. John Bel Edwards (D-Amite) was the state’s power to redirect local tax money for purposes other than the uses approved by local voters.

HB 974, by Rep. Stephen Carter (R-Baton Rouge), addressed teacher tenure, pay-for-performance and teacher evaluations. It passed by a vote of 64-40 with Greene not voting.

HB 976, also by Carter, provides vouchers, or to use Gov. Jindal’s terminology, scholarships, for education excellence, allows parents to transfer their children to charter schools and provides for charter school authorizers and course providers. It passed by a 62-43 vote.

Another mostly unspoken criticism of the bills, besides Jindal’s move to fast track them through the legislative process, is that of financial influence, or pressure, from special interests, particularly that of the American Federation of Children (AFC) and its Louisiana affiliate, the Louisiana Federation of Children (LFT).

The LFC recently did an extensive mail-out in House District 72, represented by Edwards in which it accused Edwards of attempting to stymie the education of children in grades K-12.

Additionally, Baton Rouge attorney Bryan Jeansonne, a law partner of Jason Dore, executive director of the Louisiana Republican Party, has submitted a public records request for all email correspondence between Edwards and the Louisiana Federation of Teachers (LFT) or any of its employees, a move that could be construed as intimidation, given Jindal’s propensity to fire or otherwise punish those who disagree with him.

Jeansonne also made a request to the Tangipahoa Parish School Board for a list of all the system’s teachers and home addresses. Edwards said his wife is a teacher and a member of the LFT.

AFC was formerly an organization called All Children Matter and both organizations were and are run by Dick and Betsy DeVos of Michigan. Dick DeVos owns Amway and Betsy DeVos is the former chairperson of the Michigan Republican Party. Her brother, Erik D. Prince, is the founder of Blackwater USA, the private security firm that made international headlines in 2007 when its guards killed 17 Iraqi civilians and then attempted to bribe Iraqi officials to quell criticism of their actions.

In 2006, All Children Matter was fined $5.2 million for funneling campaign money into Ohio through the organization’s various state networks. All Children Matter also was fined for illegal political activity in Wisconsin. A “527” organization, its legal problems prompted a change in name to the American Federation for Children.

Betsy DeVos, writing in an op-ed piece for the Capitol Hill newspaper Roll Call, said, “I know a little something about soft money as my family is the largest single contributor of soft money to the national Republican Party. I have decided, however, to stop taking offense at the suggestion that we are buying influence. Now I simply concede the point. They are right. We do expect some things in return.”

All Children Matter contributed $71,000 to 32 House members between 2007 and 2011, records from the Louisiana Board of Ethics show.

House members who voted for both bills and the amount of contributions received from all sources includes:

• John Berthelot (R-Gonzales), $8,000;

• Christopher Broadwater (R-Hammond), $47,000;

• Timothy Burns (R-Mandeville, $29,500;

• Stephen Carter (Chairman of the House Education Committee and author of House Bills 974 and 976), $24,675;

• Simone Champagne (R-Erath), $45,000;

• Patrick Connick (R-Marrero), $7,500;

• Gregory Cromer (R-Slidell), $13,250;

• Raymond Garofalo (R-Chalmette), $15,000;

• Kenneth Havard (R-Jackson), $35,000;

• Lowell Hazel (R-Pineville, $11,000;

• Frank Hoffman (R-West Monroe), $40,500;

• Paul Hollis (R-Covington), $10,000;

• Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles, Speaker of the House), $15,000;

• Nancy Landry (R-Lafayette), $7,000;

• Christopher Leopold (R-Belle Chasse), $7,500;

• Gregory Miller, $17,500;

• Erich Ponti (R-Baton Rouge), $7,000;

• Stephen Pugh (R-Ponchatoula), $6,000;

• Clifton Richardson (R-Baton Rouge), $17,000;

• Joel Robideaux (R-Lafayette), $13,600;

• Clay Schexnayder (R-Sorrento), $27,500;

• Alan Seabaugh (R-Shreveport), $25,750;

• Thomas Carmody (R-Shreveport), $1,500;

• Cameron Henry (R-Metairie), $2,500;

• John Schroder (R-Covington), $4,500;

• Kevin Pearson (R-Slidell), $2,500;

• Nick Lorusso (R-New Orleans), $6,500;

• Anthony Ligi (R-Metairie), $26,700;

• Jack Montoucet (D-Crowley), $6,000;

• Kirk Talbot (R-River Ridge), $6,000;

• Austin Badon (D-New Orleans), $4,000;

• Neil Abramson (D-New Orleans), $3,500;

• Steve Pylant (R-Winnsboro), $2,500;

• Walt Leger (D-New Orleans), $3,500;

• Karen St. Germain (D-Plaquemine), $2,500;

• Dorothy Hill (D-Dry Creek), $2,500;

• Andy Anders, $2,000;

• Charles Chaney (R-Rayville), $1,000;

• Ledricka Thierry (D-Opelousas), $500;

• Robert Billiot (D-Westwego), $1,000;

• Frank Howard (R-Many), $1,000;

• Anthony Ligi (R-Metairie), $1,000;

• Kirk Talbot (R-River Ridge), $1,000;

• Patrick Jefferson (D-Homer), $1,000.

Greene, who did not vote on HB 974, received $13,000 in contributions from supporters of both bills.

Thibaut, who voted for HB 974 and against 976, received $4,500;

Those receiving contributions from supporters of the bills but who voted no on each included Joseph Harrison (R-Gray), $1,000; Geymann, $6,000, and Morris, $13,750.

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“I know a little something about soft money as my family is the largest single contributor of soft monty to the National Republican Party. I have decided, however, to stop taking offense at the suggestion that we are buying influence. Now I simply concede the point. They are right. We do expect some things in return.”

–Betsy DeVos of the American Federation for Children, formerly All Children Matter, writing an op-ed piece in the Capitol Hill newspaper Roll Call in 1997.

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