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Archive for April, 2012

If you live under a rock and might be wondering how Gov. Bobby Jindal’s proposed sale of Avoyelles Correction Center might fare in the House Appropriations Committee, consider this: of the 25 members of the committee, 20 received campaign contributions from corporate members of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) or Jindal—or both.

The committee will consider HB 850 by Rep. Henry Burns (R-Haughton) at 9 a.m. on Tuesday.

The bill calls for the sale of Avoyelles Correctional Center in Cottonport, closure of the J. Levy Dabadie Correctional Center in Pineville and transferring its 330 low-risk offenders to Avoyelles and for closing the Forcht Wade residential substance abuse facility in Caddo Parish and moving its inmates to the David Wade Correctional Center in Homer.

Those opposed to the sale might find comfort in knowing that the Florida State Senate in February voted 21-19 against the single largest prison privatization attempt in U.S. history. Nine Republicans united with a dozen Democrats to defeat the massive sell off of the state’s prison that would have cost 3,500 correctional officers their jobs.

In this case, rebellious Republicans apparently grew collective spines and rose up to say no to Gov. Rick Scott.

But don’t expect that to happen here.

Nine of the 10 committee members who are members of ALEC received contributions totaling more than $111,000 from corporate members of the “non-partisan” organization which meets regularly with legislators from all over the country to draft legislation for lawmakers to take back home for introduction and, hopefully, passage.

Some of those proposed laws include legislation like “Stand Your Ground,” which eventually became law in Florida and has come under considerable national criticism following the killing of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed black teenager, by neighborhood watch volunteer George Zimmerman in Sanford, Fla.

The furor over the shooting and Zimmerman’s immunity from prosecution, thanks to the “Stand Your Ground” law, has led Pepsico, Coca-Cola and Kraft Foods to withdraw from ALEC membership.

Other legislation pushed by ALEC includes school vouchers, charter and virtual schools, public retirement reform, Medicaid reform, public employee health benefits reform and sweeping privatization—all part and parcel of Jindal’s legislative agenda.

Jindal contributed nearly $50,000 to 16 of the Appropriations Committee members, including 14 of 15 Republican members.

Jindal’s contributions to committee members included:

• Rep. Jim Fannin (D-Jonesboro)—$2500;

• Rep. Cameron Henry (R-Metairie)—$2500;

• Rep. Simone Champagne (R-Erath)—$2500;

• Rep. Charles Chaney (R-Rayville)—$2500;

• Rep. Patrick Connick (R-Marrero)—$2500;

• Rep. Franklin Foil (R-Baton Rouge)—$2500;

• Rep. Brett Geymann (R-Lake Charles)—$2500;

• Rep. Joe Harrison (R-Gray)—$2500;

• Rep. Bob Hensgens (R-Abbeville)—$2500;

• Rep. James Morris (R-Oil City)—$2500;

• Rep. John Schroder (R-Covington)—$2500;

• Rep. John Berthelot (R-Gonzales)—$5000;

• Rep. Anthony Ligi (R-Metairie)—$5000;

• Rep. Henry Burns—$5000;

• Rep. Jared Brossett (D-New Orleans)—$2500;

• Rep. Walt Leger (D-New Orleans)—$2500.

Those who received contributions from ALEC’s corporate members include:

• Fannin—$6500;

• Rep. James Armes (D-Leesville)—$4500;

• Champagne—$16,000;

• Geymann—$38,000;

• Harrison—$2000;

• Ligi—$20,700;

• Rep. Jack Montoucet (D-Crowley)—$6000;

• Schroder—$2000;

• Rep. Ledricka Thierry (D-Opelousas)—$15,500.

Two corporate members of ALEC are Corrections Corp. of America (CCA) of Nashville, Tenn. and G4S (formerly Wackenhut) of Jupiter, Fla. CCA is presently contracted to run Winn Correctional Center in Winnfield for the state while Global Expertise in Outsourcing, Inc. (GEO Group) of Boca Raton, Fla.

In addition, LaSalle Management Co. of Ruston operates eight facilities in Louisiana.

If more convincing is necessary that the proposed sale of Avoyelles is all but a done deal, consider that Jindal apparently welshed on his promise to Rep. Robert Johnson (D-Marksville) when he told the lawmaker that the sale was not going to be taken up until public testimony on the budget on April 16-17.

The notice, however, went out last Thursday that the matter would be taken up today.

Johnson said he felt the timing was intentional because Tuesday is a scheduled training day and the two shifts that would normally be off duty will be undergoing training, guards who have been unable to perform the mandatory 40 hours of training are unable to travel to the Capitol to testify against the bill.

Mistie Dubroc, whose husband is employed at the Avoyelles facility, said guards are hesitant to voice their opinions on the governor’s plan for fear of reprisals, including termination. Such has been the case in several instances where employees of other state agencies have disagreed with Jindal’s policies.

State Civil Service rules clearly say that state employees may voice opinions on pending legislation that affect their jobs but that has not deterred the administration from taking swift and harsh action against outspoken employees.

Such intimidation is tantamount to an unofficial gag order and is reminiscent of the order that went out to University Medical Center employees a few weeks back that forbade their attending a rally protesting personnel cutbacks at the facility. Rally attendance and the signing of petitions, including recall petititions, is spelled out by Civil Service as being within employees’ rights.

If additional convincing is necessary, consider this: LaSalle Management, the GEO Group, and Wackenhut each contributed $10,000 to Jindal’s campaigns in 2003, 2006, 2007 and 2008 and CCA gave the governor’s campaign $5000 in 2008 and 2009.

Additionally, GEO Group contributed $1000 to Fannin in 2010 and 2011.

All of which begs the question: at what price are our legislators willing, even eager, to sell their souls.

A thousand bucks, even $2500 seems awfully cheap for a legislator to sell out his or her constituents. Well, at least three took the maximum $5000 from Jindal.

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“The reforms are constitutional. There is nothing in the bill which directs employee contributions to the general fund. The employee contributions would go, as always, to the retirement system.”

–Gov. Jindal’s official response to a Dallas law firm’s contention that the administration’s retirement bills, if approved, would be determined to be unconstitutional.

“We’re open to improving the bills. We’re open to compromises.”

–Jindal’s deputy chief of staff Kristy Nichols, nine days later, announcing that the proposed additional 3 percent employee contribution would not, after all, go into the general fund to help plug budget holes.

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Don’t let the fact that Gov. Bobby Jindal appears not to have a clue about his state employee retirement reform package fool you. While the governor appears to be backing down on parts of his controversial retirement bills, one strategy clearly has not changed: divide and conquer.

More about that later.

On the heels of a 38-page analysis of the retirement bills which would require state employees to contribute 3 percent more, work longer and accept fewer benefits, Jindal’s office launched a petulant “official response” via his favorite medium, the Baton Rouge Business Report.

The report, by the Dallas law firm Strasburger & Price, said that virtually all components of the retirement bills would be ruled unconstitutional if subjected to legal challenges.

Not so, sniffed Jindal through his press office, and here’s where things get a bit dicey—for the governor.

First, the response to the Strasburger report, ordered by Legislative Auditor Daryl Purpera, said that the firm “relied on a vague conceptual understanding of the proposals, without an actual analysis of the bill text.”

That allegation could just as easily be directed at the governor’s office, based on Jindal’s response and what followed a scant week later.

“We’re open to compromise,” said Jindal’s deputy chief of staff, Kristy Nichols.

Really?

When has Jindal ever compromised on anything?

Perhaps a better question: why would Jindal compromise on anything given his track record?

Even better, after his insistence a week earlier that “The reforms are constitutional,” why would he suddenly change direction?

The answer to all three questions has to be that someone—perhaps someone who actually read the state and U.S. constitutions—whispered in Jindal’s ear that his “reforms,” if passed, would be in for a long, hard—and losing—fight.

But maybe we should examine the nuances of the latest developments—including glaring contradictions between the governor’s “official response” and his latest “compromise” offering.

Remember when that Business Report response trumpeted that there is “nothing in the bill” which directs employee contributions to the general fund? “The employee contributions would go, as always, to the retirement system,” it said.

The official response also said, “The 3 percent employee contribution bill is not a tax and is clearly not revenue-raising. The employee contributions remain the employee’s own money; the employee receives the contributions back either in the form of retirement benefits or as a refund of contributions upon termination of employment.”

Okay, let’s break down the shell game—and make no mistake about it, these bills are nothing more than a not-so-elaborate shell game.

It turns out, thanks to Jindal’s subsequent but inadvertent admission, the 3 percent additional employee contribution indeed would have gone toward employee retirement. But before we grovel at Jindal’s feet in abject contrition, it also turns out that that additional 3 percent would have corresponded to a 3 percent reduction in the state’s contribution and it was that 3 percent that was to go to the general fund.

Tomato, tomahto.

And there’s another awfully charitable compromise offer by the governor, necessitated, no doubt, by pure old-fashioned embarrassment. Jindal has said he will ask lawmakers to include the governor so that he, too, would be subject to the 3 percentage point increase in his retirement cost.

Terribly sporting of you, Guv. But why did you wait until after LouisianaVoice broke the story of your purchasing back 2.2 years of time and the fact that you and other statewide elected officials were exempt from the 3 percent increase? Afraid that doesn’t pass the smell test, much less the open and accountable transparency test.

Well, on second thought, it is pretty transparent.

And then there is that nagging little requirement that employees work until age 67 to qualify for retirement benefits. That, too, has been scrubbed, though not scuttled completely, by the governor in his newborn spirit of compromise.

Under Jindal’s revised plan, employees would be able to retire as early as 55 as they currently are, depending on years of service, with full retirement benefits based on contributions already made into the retirement system. Additional benefits accrued after the bill would take effect, however, could only be collected at a full rate at age 67 or older. If the employee sought to collect the additional befits before age 67, they would be at a reduced rate.

Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS) deputy director Maris LeBlanc, however said the general feeling is that there would still be the same question of constitutionality because even in its revised form, the retirement plan proposed would break an employment contract. “I would think that would be subject to challenge,” she said.

Of course, the question remains over whether or not the additional 3 percent contribution would constitute an employee tax. If so, it would be in violation of the state constitution because no tax issue can be passed in an even-numbered year.

Now, though, Nichols says that Jindal would support an amendment that would apply the 3 percent to pay down the state’s multibillion-dollar retirement cost-instead of the money going into the general fund. Someone either lied or didn’t know what he/she was talking about in that Business Report official response. It’s that simple.

Is the governor really saying now that after the legislature reneged on its obligations all these years to pay down the retirement funds’ unfunded accrued liability (UAL), that state employees will be asked to chip in an additional 3 percent to make up for what amounts to negligence and fraud on the part of legislators in years past—while not realizing additional retirement benefits?

That’s the way it all shakes out: a shakedown. Think Deduct Box of days of yore.

Not much of a compromise at all for state employees.

But if you think all that is smoke and mirrors, let’s take a look at the divide and conquer strategy.

“We’re drowning in debt, and our pension systems are unsustainable,” Nichols said last week.

Jindal has said repeatedly that the proposed retirement changes would help reduce the costs of pension programs (note the plural use of the word programs as opposed to the singular application in the bills) that have a combined UAL of more than $18 billion.

“The legislature has a constitutional mandate to maintain a sustainable retirement system—an obligation which exists both to protect the retirement system and taxpayers,” the administration said in its response to the Strasburger report.

Good political rhetoric that sounds reassuring on the surface. But let’s peel back a layer or two.

Remember that UAL in excess of $18 billion?

There are four retirement systems: LASERS, the Teachers Retirement System of Louisiana (TRSL), the Louisiana School Employees Retirement System (LSERS), and the Louisiana State Police Retirement System (LSPRS).

The LASERS UAL is $6.3 billion, only about a third of the total, and is 57.7 percent funded, second only to LSERS, which is 61 percent funded and which has a UAL of $863 million. The state police system has a UAL of $313 million and is 55.6 percent funded.

TRSL, by comparison, has a UAL of $10.8 billion and its 54.4 percent funding, the lowest percentage of the four.

Yet, Jindal, who says, “We must act now in order to keep our promise to workers, protect critical services…and protect future generations from more debt and higher taxes,” addresses only LASERS in his proposed pension reform. As in singular.

Could there be a reason for not including the other three systems?

Simple logic would seem to dictate that the burden be shared proportionately between teachers, civil service employees, school employees and state police.

But logic has never held a place of prominence in this administration.

Ulterior motive, however, is quite another matter.

Nichols, speaking in a telephone conference with reporters last Friday, was unable to go into details about the governor’s revised plan because “specifics were not available.”

That certainly has a familiar ring to it. Seems the recently passed education bills also were sorely lacking in specifics—not that it mattered to legislators who fell into line like so many sheep.

But just as you learned here of the governor’s purchase of those 2.2 years of time and of his being exempted from the 3 percent increase in contributions, remember that we were the first to warn you about the divide and conquer tactic.

It’s more important than ever that state employees, teachers and school employees show a united front.

Who knows who would be next on Jindal’s hit list?

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“The Coca-Cola Company has elected to discontinue its membership with the American Legislative Exchange Council. Our involvement with ALEC was focused on efforts to oppose discriminatory food and beverae taxes, not on issues that have no direct bearing on our business.”

–Coca-Cola spokesperson Dian Garza Ciarlante, on explaining Coke’s decision to pull its ALEC membership on the heels of a similar decision by PepsiCo. Kraft Foods later became the third company to opt out. ALEC opponents say their next target is Wal-Mart.

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Only minutes after posting this story, LouisianaVoice learned that Kraft Foods has become the third company to withdraw its membership and financial support from the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC).

The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) has suffered a double hit with the decisions by PepsiCo and Coca Cola to drop their membership in the shadowy organization that has become the fourth branch of government in Republican states.

At the same time, Gov. Bobby Jindal, one of ALEC’s more enthusiastic proponents, and Onmessage, Inc., an Alexandria, Virginia, political consulting firm, appear to be joined at the hip.

Not only did Jindal pay Onmessage more than $1.3 million in fees since 2007, but immediately following his re-election last October, his Chief of Staff Timmy Teepell left to go to work for Onmessage.

ALEC is widely known for working with legislators from across the country to draft legislation for lawmakers to pass back in their home states.

Moreover, scores of corporate members of ALEC have poured thousands of dollars into the campaign coffers of Louisiana candidates. Those include candidates for the legislature, the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education, as well as to Jindal himself.

Corporate members of ALEC include Koch Industries, ExxonMobil, Bayer Corp., GlaxoSmithKline, Wal-Mart Corp., Johnson & Johnson, Altria, Chevron, Shell, Dow, ConocoPhillips, TimeWarner, Eli Lily, Walgreen, AT&T, Reynolds American, PhRMA, Corrections Corporation of America, UnitedHealthcare, Visa, FedEx, UPS, Wackenhut (a private prison company), Kraft Foods and BP, among others.

Besides contributing generously to state campaigns, ALEC pushes its agenda calling for privatization of prisons, Medicaid, state health care benefits, and “reforms” to public education and state employee retirement benefits. Those reforms include charter schools, vouchers, abolishment of teacher tenure and virtual schools for education and a drastic reduction of retirement benefits from public employees.

To that end, thanks to strategically placed campaign contributions, ALEC has succeeded beyond all expectations in the area of public education in Louisiana and Jindal’s retirement reforms agenda will be tested next week when the legislature takes those matters up.

Wal-Mart, ExxonMobil and other giant corporations might believe they are immune to sporadic boycotts but when people use their wallets as weapons, retailers listen. Never think that they don’t. If you don’t believe that, you need only reflect back to the recent campaign that began with a single protester whose crusade went viral and which ultimately caused the giant Bank of America to abandon its monthly $5 debit card fee.

The folks who do much of their shopping at Wal-Mart are the Joe Sixpack types, the very ones most victimized by ALEC policies. They are the people just like us: blue collar whites, minorities and working stiffs who are being asked to work more—if they haven’t already lost their jobs—while earning less as they see rare salary increases eaten up by rising gasoline prices, increases in health insurance premiums, college tuition and food costs.

But Jindal is not stupid. He got to be governor and then solidified his base by being sly, duplicitous and ambitious. To use an old cliché, he knows better than to put all his eggs in one basket.

Take, for instance, Onmessage, Inc., of Alexandria, VA.

Jindal signed on late with Onmessage. He didn’t use the firm in his 2003 campaign for governor and he lost to Kathleen Blanco. Since 2007, however, his campaign has shelled out a whopping $1.3 million to the firm and now Teepell has joined Onmessage to manage its Southern Office—in Baton Rouge, no less. Moreover, one of Onmessage’s partners ghost-wrote Jindal’s riveting book Leadership and Crisis.

One of the first clients to sign on with Teepell was Republican Congressman Bill Cassidy who appears to be gearing up for a challenge to U.S. Sen. Mary Landrieu, Louisiana’s only statewide elected Democrat.

But Onmessage is not without its problems.

In January, Onmessage paid the state of New Hampshire 15,000 for violating the state’s stringent anti-push polling statutes.

Push polling is an interactive marketing technique involving the use of loaded questions in a supposedly, but in reality far from objective telephone opinion poll during a political campaign on behalf of one candidate in an effort to turn voters against an opponent.

LouisianaVoice has been monitoring key votes by those legislators who have been the recipients of campaign contributions from ALEC member corporations and from Jindal.

We pledge to continue publicizing those votes with reminders of who got what from whom. It may get boring, it may be tiresome to many and it may even turn some readers off. But few nails were ever driven home with a single blow of the hammer. We will keep repeating the message until our readers can recite the numbers in their sleep. Perhaps our readers will pass the information along to non-readers via Facebook or by whatever means available.

Onmessage and ALEC certainly have.

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