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Archive for July, 2011

“The public has a right to know who is lobbying whom and for what. When the penalty for breaking ethics laws is a small fine or a slap on the wrist, the whole system becomes a joke. Severe offenses must be punished by expulsion and/or criminal charges.”

Gov. Bobby Jindal, on his proposed ethics reform during his 2007 campaign for governor.

“We must demand an honest government that puts the residents of our state first and the special interests last.”

Gov. Bobby Jindal, on his “Ethics Frform: Ending Corruption” web page.

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Bundling: In politics, the term refers to the convoluted practice of combining many small contributions from individuals and political action committees (PACs) into one large contribution that are then funneled to a candidate through a “conduit,” generally a corporate executive or a lobbyist who, of course, expects something in return.

In more familiar personal injury attorney parlance, that would be known as a “runner,” a practice widely frowned upon and one which has cost some attorneys their licenses to practice law. In the almost anything goes rules of politics, bundling exists on the dark fringes of ethical practices yet remains legal, legal being a relative term at best.

Many political candidates now participate in bundling but sometimes it can backfire as in the case of textile importer-fugitive Norman Hsu who bundled $800,000 in contributions for Hillary Rodham Clinton’s presidential campaign.

And in the case of Gov. Bobby Jindal, who claims to have donated to a charity a $1,000 contribution from the Louisiana Chitimacha Indian Tribe that was bundled by an associate of former House Majority Leader Tom Delay (R-Texas), bundling at best, would seem to block transparency and at worst, raise serious ethics questions.

Federal Election Commission (FEC) regulations require that whenever a corporate executive or lobbyist physically touches a bundled contribution and delivers money to a campaign the bundler, as well as the original contributor, must be publicly disclosed in the campaign’s FEC reports. If the bundler does not come into physical contact with the checks, he/she is not required to be disclosed to the public as the conduit source of the contribution. It’s not clear as to how physical contact is monitored.

One way to recognize bundling is when several employees of a company or members of a PAC, in efforts to get around limitations on giving, pool their contributions which then show up more often than not as identical amounts on the same dates or on dates that are clustered together.

Plainly and simply, bundling is employed as a method to circumvent campaign finance laws and some do it better than others.

Take Tony Rudy, for example.

Rudy once headed up an influence-peddling organization called the Alexander Strategy Group and through that firm, he pulled in tens of thousands of dollars in the 2004 and 2005 election cycles on behalf of Jindal from such donors as UPS, Eli Lilly, Bellsouth, R.J. Reynolds (ever wonder why Jindal vetoed the 4-cent cigarette tax renewal?), Microsoft, Fannie Mae, Koch Industries, Dupont, AstraZeneca (a biopharmaceutical company), the National Auto Dealers Association, the Property Casualty Insurers Association, the American Bankers Association, and Amgen (biotechnology and pharmaceutical company).

Not only was bundling done on a wholesale basis on Jindal’s behalf, but identical contributions by individuals and committees, many on the same dates totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars, routinely appeared in separate reports filed by candidate Jindal, the Committee to Re-elect Bobby Jindal, and Friends of Bobby Jindal, Inc. Contributions ranged from $500 to $5,000.

That’s six separate reports on which the same contributors from Rudy’s exclusive client list appeared.

Other former clients of Alexander Strategy Group included Time Warner, Freddie Mac, Coalition of Airline Pilots Associations, AT&T, Blackwater USA, and Enron.

Alexander Strategy Group was one of Washington’s premier lobbying operations before it was shut down in January of 2006 after its ties to DeLay and another powerful lobbyist, Jack Abramoff, became known.

Rudy, a former aide to DeLay, worked for Abramoff before joining Alexander Strategy Group. Rudy’s wife also ran a political consulting firm that received $50,000 in exchange for services Rudy performed while working for DeLay. Delay was indicted in 2005 on money-laundering charges. Abramoff pleaded guilty in early January of 2006 to fraud and conspiracy charges.

One of Abramoff’s clients was the Chitimacha Indian Tribe of Louisiana that contributed at least $1,000 to Jindal who since has claimed to have given that money to charity.

He said the same thing nearly two years ago, however, about $10,000 in campaign contributions from Florida attorney Scott Rothstein, recently convicted in a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme.

Jindal press secretary Kyle Plotkin said Rothstein’s contribution would be given to a victim’s compensation fun “once one is created.” That was in November of 2009 but a check of Jindal campaign expenditures has revealed no such donation.

Besides clients of Alexander Strategy Group, other contributors that appeared on more than one of the Jindal contributor lists included Goldman Sachs, BP Corp., ExxonMobil, CH2M Hill, Chevron, Hospital Corp. of America, Northrop Grumman, Entergy, Citigroup, BlueCross/Blue Shield, Albemarle, Wal-Mart, Lorillard Tobacco, Pfizer, and others.

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“Legislators will have to give full financial disclosure. There will be no exceptions and no loopholes.”

“I will have a high standard for performance and a zero-tolerance for ethical lapses by my administrative appointments.”

Gov. Bobby Jindal, on his insistence on transparency and compliance with ethics regulations, some time before he paid a $2,500 ethics fine after then campaign chief and now Jindal Chief of Staff Timmy Teepell “forgot” to report an expenditure of $118,265 that the Republican Party of Louisiana spent on direct mail on Jindal’s behalf in June of 2007.

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“If you lie down with dogs, you will get up with fleas.” It’s a proverb almost as old as civilization itself but it’s just as applicable today as it ever was.

Just ask Gov. Bobby Jindal.

That would be the same Bobby Jindal who routinely hops a state helicopter to some rural north Louisiana town to give adoring protestant church members a testimonial of his faith, all while adding to his growing list of potential donors.

It’s the same Bobby Jindal who promised transparency in an “open and accountable administration” and who loves to boast of his many reforms to supporters in states other than Louisiana.

It’s the same Bobby Jindal who four years ago published a campaign brochure attesting to his undying devotion to state employees but who today is doing everything possible to fire state employees, sell state offices and facilities, abolish Civil Service, and pull public education down brick by brick with his obsession over charter schools.

It would also be the same Bobby Jindal whose congressional committee the Federal Elections Commission refuses to shut down because of Jindal’s failures to respond to several Requests for Additional Information (RFAI) issued way back in 2006. His committee responded to the RFAIs regarding contributor identities, but five years later, reportedly chooses to ignore questions about illegal contributions.

It’s also the same Bobby Jindal who accepted $22,500 in five contributions from four different gambling, er gaming interests between July 2007 and January of this year. Those contributions were from Redman Gaming of Louisiana ($5,000) and Pelican Bingo Distributors ($5,000), both of the same address in Kenner, Nicky Nichols ($5,000) of Nichols Bingo Distributors, Coulon Consultants ($5,000), and Tim Coulon Campaign, Inc. ($2,500). Coulon is the former Jefferson Parish president who is registered as an officer in the now-defunct CWC Gaming.

And finally, it’s the same Bobby Jindal who two years ago promised to give $10,000 he received from a Florida attorney recently convicted in a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme to an unnamed victim’s compensation fund.

Only hours before Tim Tebow and his Florida Gators defeated LSU, 51-21 in October of 2008, Jindal attended one of his infamous out-of-state fundraisers, co-hosted by Scott Rothstein, at the time a prominent Fort Lauderdale attorney who, in June of 2010, was sentenced to 50 years in federal prison.

First reports said Rothstein contributed $5,000 to Jindal and his law firm, Rothstein, Rosenfeldt and Adler, ponied up another $5,000. A quick check by LouisianaVoice, however, revealed that Kim Rothstein of the same address as Scott Rothstein gave another $5,000.

When news stories revealed the Rothstein contributions to Jindal, which were until now reported at only $10,000, Jindal, through mouthpiece, er press secretary Kyle Plotkin, magnanimously announced that the $10,000 from Rothstein and his law firm would be given to a victim’s compensation fund “once one is created.”

Certainly, Jindal’s campaign finance committee, which must fill out and submit reports of all contributions, must have known that the Scott and Kim Rothstein contributions came from the same address. Still, Jindal pledged to return only the $10,000 that was revealed in news reports.

So why didn’t Jindal take it upon himself, through Plotkin, of course (Jindal never seems willing to answer direct questions) to correct the figure and say he would donate the entire $15,000 to a victim’s compensation fund “once one is created.”

That was in November of 2009. A check of expenditures by Jindal’s campaign revealed 33 separate expenditures totaling $396,300 but nothing to any victim’s compensation fund.

Nada.

Zilch.

We did find that of the 33 expenditures, 26 were spent on out-of-state companies and of the seven payments to Louisiana firms, one was to the Republican Party of Louisiana ($10,934).

But nothing to any victim’s compensation fund.

Nil.

Zero.

Could it be that our transparent and accountable governor is not entirely trustworthy or that he’s not good for his word?

One would think that in nearly two years, Jindal could find a victim’s compensation fund that could use the $10,000. Or would that be $15,000?

Apparently not if the governor is placed on the honor system.

Nevertheless, here’s a victim’s compensation fund the governor might consider as a potential recipient:

Crime Victims Reparations Board
Commission on Law Enforcement
1885 Wooddale Blvd., Suite 708
Baton Rouge, LA. 70806
225-925-4437.

Here’s another worthy organization:

St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital
262 Danny Thomas Place
Memphis, TN. 38105
800-822-6344

They’re waiting to hear from you, Governor.

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“This is an important first step in what will be a lengthy, careful and thorough evaluation process to arrive at the best possible policy for plan members and taxpayers alike.”

Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater, on announcing the hiring of troubled Morgan Keegan, recently fined $210 million for fraud by the SEC, to advise the Jindal administration on the disposition of the Office of Group Benefits and its $500 million surplus.

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