Feeds:
Posts
Comments

Five months.

If you want to train to be a school superintendent in the Eli Broad Superintendent’s Academy, one would be required to complete six weekends of training spread over 10 months.

Five months.

If one wishes to become a teacher without going to the trouble of obtaining an education degree, he or she would be required to attend a five-week summertime crash course. No certification necessary.

Five months.

One month after Michael Rounds resigned in March of 2012 as Chief Operating Officer for Kansas City Public Schools over the awarding of a $32 million renovation contract, that contract was cancelled by School Superintendent Stephen Green. Rounds had been in charge of selecting a company to manage the project and he ultimately awarded the contract to a man named Dayton “Buddy” Hahs who reviewed bids, formulated questions for bidders and sat in on interviews.

When the bids were all rejected and re-advertised, Hahs, apparently more of a “buddy” than anyone knew, suddenly formed his own company, bid on the project and was awarded the contract even though its bid was $2 million higher than the low bid.

Five months.

That’s less time than the seven months it took Rounds to show up in Baton Rouge after his resignation in Kansas City.

Louisiana Superintendent of Education John White brought Rounds into the fold at $170,000 a year as Deputy Superintendent for District Support.

Rounds and White were 2010 graduates of the Eli Broad Superintendent’s Academy of Los Angeles which critics say turns out superintendents who employ corporate management techniques to consolidate power, weaken teachers’ job protections, cut parents out of the decision-making process and introduce unproven reform measures.

The academy was founded by billionaire businessman Eli Broad. It offers a six-weekend course spread over 10 months. There are no qualifications that students have any experience in education—just that they have a bachelor’s degree.

In Oakland, California, one teacher said she saw principals and teachers whom she described as “high-quality, dedicated people,” forced out by Broad superintendents trained to aim for “maximum disruption” when they came to a district, with little regard for parent or teacher concerns.

In case you missed it, the above paragraph contained a plural reference to Broad superintendents in Oakland.

That’s because there apparently was a revolving door there for Broad alumni. The teacher said she became alarmed when she witnessed her school district go through three Broad-trained superintendents in quick succession.

Five months.

John White would have been wise to check with that teacher before hiring Rounds.

Five Months.

There are, to paraphrase a current TV commercial, celebrity marriages of longer duration.

Five months into his job in Baton Rouge and he’s gone. Gone quietly, but gone.

Gone. As in arrivederci, adios, adieu, sayonara and ta-ta.

The Louisiana Department of Civil Service on Friday confirmed that Rounds resigned on March 30, 2013. We didn’t know they worked on Saturday at DOE, but nevertheless, he is gone.

Five months.

That’s hardly enough time for DOE carpetbagger appointees to bother getting Louisiana license plates.

ANNOUNCING A NEW LOUISIANAVOICE CONTEST:

Some of our readers may remember way back in January when LouisianaVoice launched a little contest to name the road to the Assumption Parish sinkhole. Because of other stories that broke in quick succession, we somehow managed to forget to name a winner.

It’s not that we had this called to our attention by our oversight committee; we’re really not that organized. It’s simply that we’re conducting another contest and someone told us we need to declare a winner of the Bayou Corne access road contest first.

There were some great entries and many were quite original and there were a few duplications. But for pure originality, we have to go with Bectrob and her entry: Don Ho Road. She chose that name because of the “Tiny Bubbles” in Bayou Corne (Tiny Bubbles being the late Hawaiian singer’s theme song).

Bectrob has been contacted to provide an address where we can send 25 of our bumper stickers.

Now for our next contest:

As many Louisianans know, Gov. Bobby Jindal has made it quite clear that he intends to see that all schools rated “D” and “F” are turned over to charter operations in an effort to improve those schools’ performances.

Without going into the merits (or lack thereof) of the grading system utilized in determining those grades, we thought it most interesting to see this week that Jindal’s approval rating had dipped below that of President Obama in Louisiana, according to results of a poll conducted by Southern Media Research.

For a decidedly Red State like Louisiana, that should be doubly embarrassing for Jindal, whose approval rating among women voters has gone into a free fall.

That poll was based on the results of 600 interviews.

NOLA.com, however, is conducting its own online poll and the results show that 88.19 percent of the 966 responses give Jindal a grade of “D” or “F.”

The breakdown thus far is 757 (78.36 percent) gave him an “F” and 95 (9.83 percent) awarded him a “D.” Only 41 (4.24 percent) give him an “A,” and just 43 (4.45 percent) give him a “B.” The remaining 30 (3.11 percent) give him a ho-hum “C.”

That’s pretty much in line with the 9 percent who voted for him in that C-PAC poll in Washington a couple of weeks ago, tying him for 8th place with Sarah Palin in the conservative Republicans’ choice for the 2016 president nomination.

So now, applying Jindal’s own criteria to his latest poll numbers, it appears that he’s out and we’re going to have to appoint a charter governor for Louisiana to replace the current failing administration.

But who to get? Hmm, that’s a tough question. Perhaps some graduate of a five-week crash course offered by Govern for America or the Ely Board Academy which, we’re told, offers a six-weekend course over a 10-month period to qualify to serve as governor. Either way, the incoming governor would not be held accountable and would not have to be certified. That’s a radical departure from the norm, for anyone can readily see that Jindal is certainly certifiable.

The only fair way is to do it the way the Department of Education does it: take applications from those wishing to apply for the position of charter governor.

We will restrict the candidates to characters of popular movies and television shows. Here are a few candidates we’ve come up with provide you with a little inspiration:

• Carl Spackler (Bill Murray’s character in the movie Caddyshack);

• Randall Patrick McMurphy (Jack Nicholson, in One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest);

• Barney Fife (though, in truth, the Don Knotts character from The Andy Griffith Show, on the few occasions he wore his serge suit on the show, was both spiffier and beefier than Jindal);

• Vinny Gambini (Joe Pesci, in My Cousin Vinny);

• Travis Bickle (Robert De Niro, in Taxi Driver);

• Capt. Clarence Oveur (Peter Graves, in Airplane!—in deference to a very good friend of ours);

• Gov. William J. Lepetomane (Mel Brooks, in Blazing Saddles);

• Felix Unger (Jack Lemmon, in the movie version of The Odd Couple or Tony Randall, in the TV series);

• Col. Frank Burns (Robert Duvall, in the movie version of M*A*S*H or Larry Linville, from the TV series);

• Police Chief Marge Gunderson (Frances McDormand, in Fargo);

• Eunice Burns (Madeline Kahn, in What’s Up Doc?);

• The Warden (Strother Martin, in Cool Hand Luke—He was never given a name in the movie);

• Gov. Willie Stark (Broderick Crawford, in All the King’s Men—the thinly disguised story of Huey Long);

• Edith Bunker (Jean Stapleton, in All in the Family);

• John “Bluto” Blutarsky (John Belushi, in Animal House);

• Clark Griswold (Chevy Chase, in National Lampoon’s Family Vacation).

As bonus points, we will even accept nominations for a movie or TV show that best epitomizes or exemplifies the Jindal administration.

Some ideas to get you started:

• Plan Nine from Outer Space (The consensus worst movie ever made: aka the Jindal tax plan);

• Terror of Tiny Town (You just have to see this one to draw the obvious comparison);

• Ishtar (See Plan Nine);

• Waterworld (aka Fishtar; See Plan Nine and Ishtar);

• Gilligan’s Island (Stranded, marooned, lost, hopeless; all apt terms, but who would play Ginger?)

• Green Acres (The only intelligent character on the show was Arnold the Pig, but we can’t find anyone in the administration with the IQ to play his part);

• Little Big Man (Included only by virtue of the title).

So get those nominations in. The winner gets 20 very special Jindal business cards that are certain to be a hit at any gathering of state employees.

A company that was chosen over 11 other companies for a state contract worth nearly $1 billion may have violated a state law in 2011 when it submitted a sworn affidavit that no other entities owned more than 5 percent of its company.

When Michael Rashid, president and CEO of the AmeriHealth Mercy Family of Companies (AMFC) signed off on a three-year, $926 million contract with the Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH) in September of 2011, he submitted a required disclosure of ownership dated Oct. 7, 2010 and signed by AMFC Senior Vice President of Legal Affairs and General Counsel Robert Gilman.

The contract calls for AmeriHealth Mercy to provide “a broad range of services necessary for the delivery of healthcare services to Medicaid enrollees participating in the Medicaid Coordinated Care Network (CCN) Program.”

Services include developing and maintaining an adequate provider network, access standards, utilization management, quality management, prior authorization, provider monitoring, member and provider services, primary care management, fraud and abuse monitoring and compliance, case management, chronic care management and account management.

The contract includes 24/7 access to a health care professional, service authorization, provider payments, claims management, marketing and member education, according to the contract document.

Such disclosures of ownership are standard with state contracts to ensure that there are no conflicts of interest or ethics violations that would occur if a state employee or immediate family member held an interest in a company contracting with the state.

Gilman signed the notarized disclosure form which identified AmeriHealth Mercy Health Plan of Philadelphia, PA., as the only entity having more than a 5% ownership of AmeriHealth Mercy of Louisiana.

The only problem with that was that AmeriHealth was jointly owned by Mercy Health System and Independence Blue Cross (IBC) with each owning 50 percent of AmeriHealth.

That arrangement had been in existence since 1996 but in August of 2011, two months before Gilman’s affidavit and a month before Rashid signed the contract with the state, IBC purchased an additional 10 percent and Blue Cross Blue Shield (BCBS) of Michigan bought the remaining 40 percent, giving the two Blue Cross entities 100 percent ownership of AmeriHealth.
http://www.crainsdetroit.com/article/20110809/FREE/110809869/blue-cross-buys-40-stake-in-national-medicaid-company

Bruce Greenstein was appointed Secretary of DHH by Gov. Bobby Jindal in July of 2010 and he was confirmed by the Louisiana Legislature in June of 2011 after a contentious standoff with the Senate and Governmental Affairs Committee over Greenstein’s refusal to identify the winner of a $185 million Medicaid contract with DHH. http://www.gov.state.la.us/index.cfm?md=pagebuilder&tmp=home&cpid=27

He finally relented and admitted that the winning contractor was his former employer, CNSI of Gaithersburg, MD. Circumstances of that contract have prompted a federal investigation by the U.S. Attorney’s office and Greenstein has announced he will resign in May.

In early August of 2011, barely a month after Greenstein was officially confirmed, IBC and BCBS of Michigan announced that they would partner to expand services to Medicaid beneficiaries nationally through the AmeriHealth Mercy Family of Companies. http://www.ibx.com/company_info/news/press_releases/2011/08_09_IBC_and_BCBS_of_Michigan.html

The joint announcement noted that a 2010 report from the National Association of State Budget Offices indicated that Medicaid represented states’ second largest budget obligation after education, averaging 22 percent of total state spending.

The announcement then gave a hint of what states might expect.

“AmeriHealth Mercy provides Medicaid managed care services directly to Pennsylvania, Indiana and South Carolina and has subcontracts to provide these services in Kentucky and New Jersey,” it said, adding that AmeriHealth Mercy was chosen to provide Medicaid managed care coverage in Louisiana.

While BCBS companies are supposedly separate and independent in each state and though BCBS of Louisiana currently does not participate in a state Medicaid contract (its contract is with the Office of Group Benefits to administer claims of state employees, retirees and dependents), BCBS has been moving in partnership with AmeriHealth Mercy into other states, including Florida.

The AmeriHealth Mercy contract signing coincided with Greenstein’s appointment and his wife’s employment by BCBS of Louisiana but there is nothing to indicate a connection.

Still, the association between two separate Blue Cross companies and the winner of a state contract worth nearly $1 billion coupled with the curious failure of the winning bidder to list both its owners on the disclosure of ownership form could raise a few eyebrows.

“The findings relating to RSD’s compliance with applicable laws and regulations should be addressed immediately by management.”

—Legislative Auditor Daryl Purpera, in his management letter to Recovery School District (RSD) Superintendent Patrick Dobard in which Purpera noted that a state audit had found that RSD could not account for more than $2.7 million in movable property. It was the sixth consecutive year in which RSD was cited for lax property control and missing or stolen property.

Like the muddy waters of the Mississippi River that flow right past the Claiborne Building, operations in the Louisiana Department of Education (DOE) just seem to get murkier and murkier and its bureaucracy more and more difficult to navigate.

There is Teach for America (TFA), the cluster of TFA alumni awarded administrative positions in the department and the financial manipulations that go with that program; the controversy over charters and course choice; the ongoing courtroom battles over the funding of vouchers, the questionable appointments of out-of-state commuters, the agreement to feed student personal information into a data bank controlled by Rupert Murdoch, and the ever-daunting challenge of obtaining public records from the department, to name only a few.

Easily the most secretive of any state agency, DOE is supported by a governor who, ironically enough, likes to boast of his administration’s openness and transparency. DOE and Superintendent of Education John White operate with virtual autonomy—mostly because there is no system of checks and balances to ensure that the agency is answerable.

Requests for public records are ignored, The Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE), with the exception of two members, rubber-stamps anything Jindal and White suggest, be it ripping funding away from local school boards to pay for vouchers to approving applications for course choice (online) programs to burdening the department with costly six-figure positions filled by itinerates with little to no classroom experience.

White recently received his annual performance evaluation from BESE and predictably received high marks from nine of the board’s 11 members. The truth of the matter, however, is that White is woefully ill-qualified to lead even a local school system, much less a statewide system of 700,000 public school students.

Unfortunately, his six-weekend course (spread out over 10 months) at the Eli Broad Superintendents Academy does not qualify him to lead a Cub Scout troop. Yet, Gov. Bobby Jindal considered him more qualified than any other candidate to preside over the demolition of public education in Louisiana.

The Eli Broad Academy, by the way, has come under criticism for turning out superintendents who use corporate-management techniques to consolidate power, weaken teachers’ job protections, cut parents out of the decision-making process and introduce unproven reform measures.

The latest audit of the Recovery School District is evidence enough of White’s inability to run a statewide system.

The audit, released on March 27, revealed that for the sixth consecutive year, RSD continued to experience problems keeping track of millions of dollars in movable property.

Why does that reflect on White when Patrick Dobard is the RSD superintendent?

Well, for openers, the latest audit is for the fiscal year ended June 30, 2012 and White did not become state superintendent until January of 2012.

Prior to that, he was superintendent of the Recovery School District.

The audit says, “For the sixth consecutive year, RSD did not ensure that movable property was safeguarded against loss, including loss arising from unauthorized use and misappropriation. Our review of RSD’s movable property activity disclosed the following:”

• RSD’s annual certification of property inventory, which the Louisiana Property Assistance Agency did not approve, disclosed $26,664,976 in total movable property, which included 1,633 items with a total acquisition cost of $2,738,016 that have been identified as unlocated during the past four-year period. Of the 1,633 unlocated items, 1,380 items were computers or computer-related equipment. The 2012 annual certification also identified 908 items with a total acquisition cost of $1,482,060 (54 percent) as unlocated for the current period.

• RSD reported 10 incidents at six separate schools involving 97 movable property items with an acquisition cost of $73,667 as missing/stolen to the legislative auditor and the local district attorney. Of the 97 movable property items, 70 were computers. Management has represented that seven items with an acquisition cost of $6,118 have been recovered.

• The 10 reported incidents involved computers being stolen from four RSD direct-run schools and one charter school. There was no sign of forced entry in three instances that resulted in a loss of 48 items with an acquisition cost of $20,064. In one instance, 26 Dell laptop computers and 20 Apple I-Pod Nano media devices with an acquisition cost of $17,031 were stolen from an RSD direct-run school’s storage room.

• RSD’s movable property function is hampered by the decentralization of movable property at the various custodians (schools) and a lack of accountability and training of the custodians for RSD property. Failure to safeguard movable property increases the risk that assets may be misreported, lost or stolen. In addition, the year-to-year cost of replacing lost or stolen movable items could reduce the availability of funds (federal or state) for other educational objectives.

• During FY 2012, RSD did not ensure that employee separation dates were accurate or timely. Not recording separation dates accurately and timely could result in overpayments for terminated employees. This is the sixth consecutive year that we have cited RSD for inadequate controls over its payroll process.

White apparently is far more focused on insulating himself with fellow Teach for America (TFA) and Eli Broad Academy alumni by appointing them to top administrative positions.

Take Chief of Staff Kunjan Narechania and Deputy Superintendent Michael Rounds, for instance.

Rounds, like White, is a 2010 alumnus of Eli Broad and was brought in by White as Deputy Superintendent at $170,000 per year.

Rounds resigned his position as Chief Operating Officer for Kansas City Public Schools a year ago following an investigation into bid irregularities involving a $32 million renovation project for Kansas City schools and a month later the contract was cancelled by Kansas City Public Schools Superintendent Stephen Green (can you say Bruce Greenstein and CNSI?).

And then there is Narechania, a TFA alumnus who, while officially serving as White’s chief of staff, in reality performed functions normally handled only by a deputy or assistant superintendent.

Narechania oversaw all expenditures in the department; no one purchased anything—not a computer, not even a ball point pen without first obtaining authority from Narechania. All assistant superintendents and directors were required to report to her. No one was hired by the department without her stamp of approval—even when no one was quite sure what the new hire would actually be doing. That was evidenced only days before David Lefkowith was hired last June when she emailed White that there needed to be a decision about what to do about Lefkowith. As late as September and December of 2012, she was still signing off on contract amendments, a duty that did not fall within the job description of a chief of staff.

On Sept. 21, she signed off on an amendment to the department’s 15-year, $65.6 million contract with Data Recognition Corp. for administration of the statewide iLEAP testing program. The amendment added three additional years (to June 30, 2015) and $20.96 million to the existing contract.

Beneath her signature was the crossed through printed title “Assistant Superintendent.”

The other contract amendment had the proper title of Chief of Staff beneath her signature that approved a $3.5 million amendment to a $17.5 million contract with Pacific Metrics Corp. for the replenishing of materials for science, social studies and math.

So why didn’t White simply have Narechania confirmed as deputy or assistant superintendent?

One source within the department said it was because when White appeared before the Senate and Governmental Affairs Committee for approval of the appointments of several other administrators last June, he knew he could not obtain Narechania’s confirmation because she was already acting as his number two, sighing all personnel paperwork, contracts, etc., on his behalf.

It would have been awkward to explain that to the committee.

That could be the reason he asked BESE to petition the legislature to approve a reorganization of DOE and has proceeded with that reorganization—without either BESE or legislative approval.

The problem, however, is that he has been operating outside the law for more than a year now by allowing her to sign off on personnel matters and on DOE contracts.