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“It’s really unbelievable that we have allowed our nation to be shuttered. Let’s see what we can do about that. Come May 1, the government is either going to allow America to open, or America is going to force the government to open.”

–Clay Higgins, Louisiana’s pitiful excuse for a member of Congress, in a typically incoherent rant while standing outside Trump Tower on Wednesday. Higgins, who couldn’t cut it as a law enforcement officer, apparently wants to incite an insurrection against the government he has sworn to protect.

The Reconstruction era ended in 1877. Seven years earlier (150 years ago), with ratification of the 15th Amendment, black males were granted the right to vote.

Seventeen years before that, The Emancipation Proclamation of Jan. 1, 1863 said that “all persons held as slaves” within the rebellious states “are, and henceforward shall be free.”

So, by 1880, blacks were not only free, but they had the right to vote. Federal troops had been withdrawn, so the time seemed right to restore the old order of white supremacy in the South.

But how?

Well, the Louisiana legislature had an answer that appeared to solve two problems at once.

Split jury verdicts.

Only one other state, Oregon, had the split jury conviction law on its books, and while still based on race, it had nothing to do with slavery. In that state, the law had been used to convict a Jewish defendant.

LOUISIANA took the lead over its sister Confederate states by passing a law that year which said a person could be convicted of a crime by a jury vote of 9-3. The Louisiana Constitution Convention of 1898 made it official and even went so far as to boast that the stated purpose was “to establish the supremacy of the white race in the state.”

The split verdict law withstood a legal challenge in 1972 when it was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court but in 1973, the Louisiana Constitution Convention did scale back the law a bit when it revised the law to require at least a 10-2 vote in favor of conviction—or acquittal. For capital murder cases, the requirement for a unanimous jury verdict has always remained in effect.

The dual effect was not only to discourage blacks from voting (only eight states allow convicted felons to vote—Louisiana is not one of them), but it also helped alleviate the “hardship” imposed on those poor plantation owners who, suddenly deprived of their slave labor, found themselves short-handed for harvesting cotton and sugar cane.

But a literal reading of the 13th AMENDMENT provided the all-important legal loophole:

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. (emphasis added)

Blessed with rare economic foresight, the legislature saw an opportunity to pioneer what would evolve into lucrative prison work-release programs more than a century ago. (It would be the last time any Louisiana legislature would be accused of possessing the gift of economic foresight—except in cases of individual graft and corruption.)

The more inmates the state could crowd into its prison system, the greater the number of warm bodies available to be leased out to the plantation owners to harvest those crops to be shipped downriver to New Orleans and on to the world market.

Of course, a prison facility large enough to house a sufficient number of slaves prisoners was needed.

So, in 1880 (the same year the split-verdict law came into effect—coincidence?), ANGOLA STATE PRISON was erected on an 8,000-acre plantation in West Feliciana Parish, drawing its name from the African homeland of its former slave population. The prison was run by a private firm until reports of brutality against inmates prompted the state of Louisiana to take control of it in 1901. Today, it covers 18,000 acres, making it the largest maximum-security prison in the U.S.

But in October 2018, a brash, young judge up in Sabine Parish, hard on the Texas border, ruled that the split verdict in Louisiana was unconstitutional.

Judge Stephen Beasley, of the 11th Judicial District that borders Toledo Bend Lake on the Texas-Louisiana border, ruled as unconstitutional the case of Melvin Maxie who, by a jury verdict of 11-1, received an automatic life sentence by virtue of an 11-1 conviction of second-degree murder.

Beasley, who had presided over Maxie’s 2017 trial, also ruled that Maxie deserved a new trial on the grounds that prosecutors improperly struck three prospective jurors because of their race. His ruling was challenged by District Attorney Don Burkett.

His ruling came only three weeks before an election on a statewide constitutional amendment which would have struck down the split verdict in favor of unanimous verdicts for non-capital offenses. That proposed was easily approved by 64 percent of the vote.

And though the case decided by the Supreme Court was one out of Orleans Parish where District Attorney Leon Cannizzaro obtained a 10-2 conviction of second-degree murder, the high court opinion, written by Justice Neil Gorsuch and supported by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, cited Beasley’s ruling twice in its first three pages. Both Gorsuch and Kavanaugh are appointees of Donald Trump.

Others siding with the majority were justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Clarence Thomas. Dissenting were Chief Justice John Roberts, Samuel Alito and Elena Kagan.

The immediate effect of the decision is to void dozens—perhaps hundreds—of split jury verdicts in Louisiana and Oregon.

And perhaps create a manpower shortage in work-release programs throughout Louisiana.

 

“I don’t know what the governor of Maryland is doing in South Korea. The governor of Maryland didn’t really understand. He didn’t really understand what was going on.”

–Donald Trump, in his April 21, 2020, criticism of Maryland Republican Gov. Larry Hogan’s acquisition of 500,000 coronavirus tests from South Korea after his telling the states that they essentially were on their own and to not rely on the federal government.

 

“I have a pretty good understanding of what’s going on and I appreciate the information that was provided by his team. The administration made it clear over and over again they want the states to take the lead.”

Republican Gov. Larry Hogan, responding to Trump’s defensive rant.

 

“The United States was once known for its can-do culture. We built the Panama Canal and we put a man on the moon. And now we can’t get a swab or a face mask or a gown and we have no real chain of command. And we have two Americas, a Republican one and a Democratic one, and they won’t collaborate. We are not leading in the pandemic response, we are trailing other countries by a long shot. This is a crippling blow to America’s prestige around the world.”

–Historian Douglas Brinkley of Rice University, on the nation’s inadequate response to the coronavirus pandemic, April 21, 2020.

All of which begs the obvious questions:

  1. Is it humanly possible for Trump to not blame someone–anyone–else for his blunders (which would be comical were the consequences not so severe)?
  2. Must everything be about Trump (as opposed say, to making at least a few things about cooperation, progress, and some faint signs of leadership?)
  3. Is it remotely possible to have just a hint of consistency from this administration?

 

“We have testing coming in two weeks that will blow the industry away.”

—Donald Trump, at Monday’s briefing on the coronavirus.

 

“If the testing does not get sorted out as soon as possible, it will be another nail in an almost closed coffin.”

—Comment of a Republican close to the White House in response to that assertion, adding that empty self-serving claims will not overcome the political challenge to Trump..

Louisiana’s Revenue Estimating Conference was rendered obsolete and the state’s finances thrown into a tizzy yesterday when the price of oil plunged to a negative $37.63 per barrel from the (adjusted for inflation) high back in 2008 of $148.93, a swing of more than $186 per barrel. Stephen Winham, retired State Budget Director, explains what it all means in his analysis below:

By Stephen Winham

If I offered to sell you 5,000 gallons of high quality gasoline (no ethanol)  at 20  cents a gallon, but you had to take all of it today, would you take it?  Before you say yes, ask yourself, “Where would I put it?”

Oil is traded as a commodity on the open market.  Traders buy contracts to take oil at a price guaranteed for a specific period of time.  These are futures contracts and they expire on a date certain.  If an oil buyer or trader cannot sell the contracts to purchase by the deadline they have to take possession of all the oil for which they contracted.  Current contracts for May delivery expire today (April 21).

A contango exists when the contracted price of oil exceeds the spot (current) price.  This, of course, makes the contracts valuable only if the buyer thinks oil prices will rebound enough to justify taking it at the contract price – and, equally important, if they have someplace to store it.  Because there is too much oil on the market with no place to put it, we entered the uncharted territory of, not just low, but negative prices.

Oil for delivery in May was being traded at over $18 per barrel Friday (April 17) and at $15 per barrel Monday morning. These were extraordinarily low prices, but by the afternoon sellers had to pay buyers $37.63 to take their contracts for May delivery.  Again, these contracts expire today (April 21). Traders holding oil futures were paying buyers to take contracts off their hands at the risk having to take physical delivery of the oil, which most are incapable of doing.  The only way traders can store oil is to lease facilities which are already at a premium because most are full.  It is possible there will literally be no available commercial storage space by the end of this month.

Monday’s crash, while shocking,  was temporary and some say largely technical because trading on May contracts was relatively light.  Most trading yesterday was on  oil set for June delivery. However, the effects and implications of the oil glut are real and have serious implications for both the near and longer range future.

OPEC has already agreed to production cuts and Russia and Saudi Arabia have supposedly agreed to do so in May. The U. S. government plans to buy as much oil as possible for storage in our strategic reserves. These things  should help, but prices for June delivery will settle in the low $20/barrel range.  Some oil producers, already suffering, cannot survive, even in the short run, if they have to sell that low.

Although December 2020 futures contracts are currently trading in the low 30s, that’s pretty low and the rise in actual prices is currently unpredictable because we don’t know when, or how fast, the negative effects on consumption of the coronavirus will let up.  Consider that oil futures traded at over $65/barrel as recently as January and it is easy to see why futures at $30 are a bleak prospect for producers.

To the limited extent we need it, we are enjoying low pump prices.  Nobody knows how long they, or some oil producers, will last.

[AN ASIDE:  This crash we are talking about is in West Texas Intermediate crude, the U. S. benchmark.  Not all oil futures contracts are negative.  Brent Crude (the European benchmark) futures contracts, though also going down, traded at over $25/barrel Monday, but storage is less an issue with Brent because it is stored in oil tankers that can travel anywhere in the world.]