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The Louisiana Department of Education could find itself mired in state and federal courtroom disputes for years to come, thanks to Gov. Bobby Jindal’s sweeping education reform legislation and to the confusing mishmash of educational bureaucracy in Orleans Parish.

Disregard for the time being the last week’s court ruling that could end up costing the Orleans Parish School Board upwards of a billion dollars for the wrongful firing of about 7,000 teachers in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005. That lawsuit did not involve the state—just Orleans Parish.

But across the state, several parish school boards and teachers’ unions are lining up as plaintiffs in various lawsuits against Jindal, the Louisiana Department of Education and the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) to contest Jindal’s reform package that is being hailed by media everywhere but in Louisiana as groundbreaking, innovative and progressive.

One interesting development at the local level occurred in Ruston when the Lincoln Parish School Board recently voted to join litigation against Jindal’s move to usurp Minimum Foundation Program funds and local tax revenue from local school boards and to use those monies to pay for vouchers, or scholarships, to other schools—even if those other schools were in a different parish.

The local boards contend that those funds are dedicated to the parishes and should not be taken away.

In the case of Lincoln Parish, board member Trot Hunt was the only dissenting vote when the board voted to join as a plaintiff against the administration. He said the board could well do with a little more budgetary restraint.

But did Hunt have an ulterior motive other than fiscal prudence?

Well, consider this: his firm, Hunt-Guillot and Associates, has a couple of mega-contracts with the state which total more than $18 million, according to state documents. The largest, for $17.6 million, calls for the firm to administer HUD grant management activities for infrastructure and other projects undertaken as a result of damages from hurricanes Katrina, Rita, Gustav and Ike.

The other, a $900,000 contract, calls for the company to review applications for grant funds for the Department of Health and Hospitals.

Hunt-Guillot also contributed $4,750 to Jindal’s campaign in 2007 and Trot Hunt personally contributed $5,000 that same year.

If Hunt needed further incentive to vote against joining the lawsuit, there’s also the fact that his business partner, Jay Guillot, is a member of BESE, having been elected last fall thanks in part to strong support from Jindal that included a $5,000 contribution from Jindal’s own campaign. BESE, of course, overwhelmingly supported the Jindal reform package that calls for vouchers, the creation of charter schools and more teacher accountability.

And, of course, It’s pretty much a given that Hunt is keenly aware of what happens when anyone, be it an employee or legislator–or in this case, a contractor–crosses Piyush with a negative word or vote.

Can you say Teagued?

All that aside, there is yet another lawsuit brewing down in New Orleans, this one in the Eastern District of U.S. Federal Court.

If the Department of Education’s action earlier this month is any indication, it is taking this lawsuit quite seriously.

After eschewing Louisiana law firms and the Louisiana attorney general’s office, the department decided to enlist the powerful Washington, D.C. law firm of Hogan-Lovelis as its defense counsel. The initial contract was for $249,999, which is one dollar less than the $250,000 threshold at which the approval of BESE President Penny Dastugue would have been required.

But on May 30, it was decided to go for broke in defending this lawsuit when State Superintendent John White requested that Dastugue approve a $1.2 million amendment, bringing the contract to an eye-popping $1,449,000. Dastugue signed off on White’s request on June 6.

The lawsuit was filed by the Southern Poverty Law Center in October of 2010 on behalf of 10 lead plaintiffs and approximately 4,500 Orleans Parish students with learning and physical disabilities. It names former State Superintendent of Education Paul Pastorek, the State Department of Education and BESE as defendants.

The suit claims that 16 Orleans Parish schools fall under the parish school board, 23 are run by the Recovery School District (RSD) and 49 more are stand-alone charter schools. This arrangement, the lawsuit claims, results in the creation of 51 separate school districts, or local education agencies (LEA). Each charter school, it says, is an LEA.

This arrangement, the petition says, creates a confusing, impossible-to-navigate system for children with disabilities who, under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEA), are entitled to “the appropriate resources, policies and procedures” to provide unfettered access to special education services—“from evaluations to related services and supports.”

Federal law prohibits public entities from discriminating against individuals with disabilities but, the lawsuit claims, students have been subjected to systemic violations that included:

• Discrimination and denial of access to educational services;

• Failure to develop and implement child find procedures are required by law;

• Failure to provide free appropriate public education;

• Failure to protect students’ procedural safeguards in the disciplinary process.

The petition cites a survey conducted by Educational Support Systems which said that schools “under-identify students with disabilities in an effort to escape their legal obligations under IDEA.

Some students referred to the RSD for initial evaluations “frequently must wait months before an evaluation occurs—losing valuable educational time during the wait,” the suit says.

“New Orleans is the only geographic region in the state in which students cannot receive child-find services until they are actually admitted and enrolled in a public school,” it added.

The lawsuit also claims that the RSD has an “abysmal” graduation and school completion rate for students with disabilities. “On average, across the state of Louisiana, 19.4 percent of all students with disabilities graduate with a diploma,” it says. In comparison, only 6.8 percent of RSD students with disabilities obtain a diploma, the petition says.

While he tries to put positive spin on the recent legislative session, there can be no denying that Jindal fell far short of getting what he wanted in terms of state employee retirement reform and the sale of state prisons.

Even though he appears to have been successful with his education reform, there are signs that his support in the legislature may be starting to crumble in that regard as well.

Legislators, already miffed at demotions within their ranks, the use of one-time funds for recurring expenses, the veto of a major commercial project in Livingston Parish, drastic cuts to higher education and the closure of a prison in central Louisiana, are also hearing from their local school boards and public school teachers.

And what they’re hearing may be causing them to entertain second thoughts about their having allowed the governor to rip funds from local school boards.

“There are tremendous ramifications for our members and the system.”

–Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS), in discussing the neet to obtain a determination from the IRS on whether or not Piyush Jindal’s recently approved “cash-balance” 401(k) type retirement plan for new hires, scheduled to go into effect on July 1, 2013, will be eligible for tax-exempt status–a question one would reasonably expect Jindal to have determined well in advance of presenting his new plan for legislative approval.

Jimmy Breslin would love this group—Piyush Jindal and his minions—that calls itself an administration and which apparently believes it is doing a magnificent job of running the State of Louisiana.

Take the sudden emergence of IRS eligibility of Jindal’s new retirement plan, for example.

Stand by. We’ll get to that in a minute.

The only difference between this administration and the Three Stooges is that the administration contains far more than three slapstick lovable clowns. And they aren’t lovable. It would appear, instead, that these people are multiplying like rabbits. We can only hope that is a dream and we will soon wake up.

Breslin is a Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist for the New York Daily News who once wrote a best-selling book called The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight which was made into a movie that typically didn’t do the book justice.

His fame is as a “street columnist,” meaning he gets his political column ideas from New York’s seedier bars, cops on the beat, garbage collectors—anyone but the politicians themselves.

He has written some memorable lines in his career of 40-plus years—like the one about a subject’s receiving “immediate lacerations of the credibility,” or “…designed by architects with honorable intentions but hands of palsy,” or, our personal favorite: “Media, the plural of mediocrity.”

But we digress. Let’s get back to why Breslin would love Piyush Jindal, Timmy Teepel, Kyle Plotkin, et al.

The shocking speed (or should we say Shock Doctrine speed) at which the legislature approved Jindal’s education reforms is still seared into our collective memories. Well, okay, some of our collective memories. There are those so caught up in Dancing with the Stars and TMZ that they are not even aware there is a legislature, let along education reforms.

One of the “reforms” in that education package was the approval of vouchers. But guess what? The vouchers were approved without the administration’s or the Department of Education’s having bothered to establish accountability guidelines. Thus, we have 315 vouchers going to a Ruston school that for all intents and purposes, doesn’t even have books, desks, or buildings to accommodate 315 students. Then there’s that school in DeRidder whose administrator is on court-ordered probation to exercise no financial authority over anything. Yet it received approval for vouchers worth hundreds of thousands of dollars—and school officials couldn’t even correctly spell “Scholarship” on its portable sign set up outside the school.

Oops.

In pitching his education reform, Jindal made a big deal of saying he wanted to rid the state of failing teachers. Yet, his new law allows uncertified teachers to teach in charter schools while traditional public school teachers still must have certification.

When a teacher in a public school is found to be a pedophile, in violation of drug laws or of prohibitions against sex with underage students, the one weapon heretofore available to school administrators was the ability to yank the teacher’s certification so that he could never again teach in Louisiana. That safeguard does not exist in charter schools.

Oops again.

Before the school reform debacle, there was the Office of Risk Management which the state paid F.A. Richard and Associates (FARA) $68 million to take over and then added another $6.8 million sweetener less than eight months down the road. Within weeks of the approval of the $6.8 million contract amendment, FARA sold out to an Ohio firm, which less than four months later, sold out to a New York firm—all despite a clause in FARA’s original contract which specifically said its contract could not be transferred without “prior written approval.” When asked by LouisianaVoice for a copy of the prior written approval, the word from the Division of Administration was that no such document existed.

Double oops.

Now about that retirement SNAFU.

Jindal failed to gain approval of all but two of his state employee retirement bills. One that did pass was the changeover to a 401(k)-type pension plan for new hires but the administration again managed to get the proverbial cart ahead of the horse by not tying up a few important loose ends—like, oh say, will the approved plan be a “qualified plan” under IRS regulations and thus be tax-exempt?

If not, vested contributions by employees would be subject to taxation, according to Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS).

Jindal took time out of his busy nationwide speaking schedule and jockeying to become Mitt Romney’s running mate (which has about as much chance as Rosie O’Donnell’s being chosen Miss America–but Lord, wouldn’t it be fun to watch Jindal and Joe Biden in a vice-presidential debate?) to try to get a clarification—again, well after the fact.

Piyush on Friday authorized Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater to apply to the IRS for a determination letter on the eligibility of the “cash-balance” plan, scheduled to go into effect on July 1, 2013.

The issue of whether or not the new plan would be considered the equivalent to Social Security also created a new legal wrinkle that must be considered.

A tax attorney also told the LASERS board on Friday that should the cash-balance plan not be considered equivalent to Social Security, then new employees would be required to be enrolled in Social Security in addition to the 401(k) plan. That would mean the state would have to match employee Social Security contributions, thus adding significant costs to the state whose employees are not now members of Social Security.

“It is the responsibility of the employer—the state of Louisiana—to provide the equivalent benefit,” Rougeou said. “They (the state) are the ones (who are) going to be on the hook for paying for Social Security,” she said.

Only one other state, Nebraska, has a cash balance system, Rougeou said, but she pointed out Nebraska state employees also have Social Security.

The real absurdity in all this is that the LASERS board was first at the starting gate in deciding to seek the IRS ruling Friday morning but Jindal, as is his wont, jumped in front of the parade later that same day and shouted, “Follow me!” in an effort to make it all seem as if it were his idea.

In his executive order, Piyush said that as pension plan sponsor, the state would be the “appropriate party” to fill applications with the IRS. LASERS is not the only state retirement plan for which a determination must be made, he sniffed; there are three other systems that must also be considered. He said in his order that it would be better to coordinate applications “in a manner that avoids multiple, duplicative and conflicting submissions.”

Jindal can’t say he wasn’t given a heads up on this issue. LouisianaVoice, well before the spate of retirement bills ever came up for debate, posed the Social Security question. If we, with our admittedly (like Jane Smith) limited knowledge of such matters, could see the problem, then where were the political geniuses?

Of course, we know that Jindal probably wasn’t even in the state. He was too busy campaigning for others, raising campaign funds for himself and hawking his book to attend to such mundane fiscal matters.

Still, the question lingers: why wasn’t Jindal, with all those whiz kids around him to give him the benefit of all their wonderful knowledge, made aware of the potential IRS and Social Security problems—before the retirement bills were written, introduced, and voted into law?

Why indeed.

It’s a question that should not be allowed to go away.

All together now: Oops.

“Is that worthy of the people whom we represent that when we have disagreements with people, we’re going to try to have a chilling effect on whom they communicate with?”

–State Rep. John Bel Edwards (D-Amite), head of the House Democratic Caucus, commenting in March on a request by the law partner of the executive director of the State Republican Party for copies of all emails he had exchanged with representatives of the Louisiana Federation of Teachers over Gov. Piyush Jindal’s sweeping education reform package.

In previous stories we have alternately referred to Gov. Piyush Jindal as “Nixon Redux” and “Nixon Reincarnate.” Little did we know the frightening accuracy of what we then thought were tongue-in-cheek comparisons.

It was on July 24, 1971, when little Piyush was only six weeks old and long before he adopted the name Bobby after a character on The Brady Bunch, that Egil “Bud” Krogh was instructed by Nixon’s assistant for domestic affairs John Ehrlichman to establish a covert team to stop the leaking of classified information to the news media.

The specific incident that prompted the formation of the team, which became known as the White House Plumbers, was the leaking of the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times but the unit soon expanded into other areas, including the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, illegal campaign activities and the attempted cover up of the Watergate break-in.

Now, almost exactly 41 years later, Jindal appears to have established his own Plumbers Unit to investigate leaks and “negative” emails.

Actually, the governor’s little investigation may have begun closer to the 40th anniversary of the birth of the Plumbers.

Last October, Bryan Jeansonne, law partner of State Republican Executive Director Jason Doré, sent public record requests to parish school superintendents throughout the state seeking all emails between the superintendents and school employees.

That, of course, was the big dust-up to the introduction and subsequent passage of the governor’s far-reaching education reform package. Apparently, the administration—or someone representing the administration—wanted to know if local superintendents were saying anything negative to teachers in advance of the impending legislative fight over public education.

Then, in March, State Rep. John Bel Edwards (D-Amite), head of the House Democratic Caucus, said he had received a similar request from Jeansonne in which Jeansonne demanded copies of emails Edwards had exchanged with persons affiliated with the Louisiana Federation of Teachers (LFT). The LFT opposed Jindal’s efforts to create a statewide voucher program which would use tax dollars to send children to private schools.

Then, only last month, Doré made a public records request for copies of signed petitions of the four active efforts to recall Jindal, House Speaker Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles) and Reps. Greg Cromer and Kevin Pearson, both Slidell Republicans.

“We wanted to make sure we got on this early,” Doré said.

The only problem with his request was he was too early; the petitions are not public record and will not become public until they are officially filed with the Secretary of State’s office.

One source said that there were rumors that the administration has spies who are attempting to review the names of everyone who has signed a recall petition in an effort to determine if any are state employees.

Given Piyush’s managerial style, any unfortunate state employee found to have signed a recall would be subjected to severe reprisals, including not-so-subtle intimidation and termination.

The latest volley to be fired by the Jindalistas came on Friday when word was leaked to LouisianaVoice that the administration has ordered a search of all Louisiana Department of Revenue computers for emails that might contain any information about “alternative fuels,” “flex fuels” or anything negative about the resignation/firing of Revenue Secretary Cynthia Bridges on June 15.

Bridges was shown the door (She actually resigned, but many believe she was pressured into resigning–speculation that the governor’s office did not even bother to deny) after issuing an emergency order to grant alternative fuel tax rebates on more than 100 qualifying types of vehicles—as she was instructed to do by Act 469, signed by Gov. Jindal. The ruling escalated the state’s potential liability from an estimated $907,000 over five years to about $100 million. That was because of the introduction of flex fuel vehicles subsequent to the passage of HB 110, authored by former State Rep. Jane Smith (R-Bossier City) in 2009 and which, upon Jindal’s signature, became Act 469.

Smith last fall lost her race for the State Senate and was appointed deputy secretary of the Department of Revenue.

Ironically, when Bridges resigned, Smith, who earlier this year said, “…They offered me the job (as deputy secretary) even though I don’t know a thing about revenue,” was elevated to the job overseeing the single agency responsible for the collection of revenue so the state can pay its bills.

It was apparently Smith’s admission of her lack of qualifications for the deputy secretary’s job that prompted the latest witch hunt by the administration. Apparently the Jindalistas want to know who leaked the quotes attributed to Smith.

Supposedly, the administration asked that those involved with the bill volunteer any email information but the results were not satisfactory and now a search of all employees’ emails has been ordered. The claim is the administration needs the information for undisclosed litigation–a weak and dubious excuse at best. We can’t wait to see how rank and file employee emails might figure in a legal strategy.

But then, with the legal advice this administraton has received on such matters as employee retirement and the comandeering of local taxes to pay for students to attend charter schools in other parishes, who knows?

Sorry to disappoint you, Piyush, but when state employees send us information, they are smart enough to do so from their private computers and personal email accounts. Not only will you not find that information in any email, we didn’t even get it from a state employee.

The information came from the private sector.

And you’ll play hell prying the source of that information out of us.