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Jimmy Breslin would love this group—Piyush Jindal and his minions—that calls itself an administration and which apparently believes it is doing a magnificent job of running the State of Louisiana.

Take the sudden emergence of IRS eligibility of Jindal’s new retirement plan, for example.

Stand by. We’ll get to that in a minute.

The only difference between this administration and the Three Stooges is that the administration contains far more than three slapstick lovable clowns. And they aren’t lovable. It would appear, instead, that these people are multiplying like rabbits. We can only hope that is a dream and we will soon wake up.

Breslin is a Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist for the New York Daily News who once wrote a best-selling book called The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight which was made into a movie that typically didn’t do the book justice.

His fame is as a “street columnist,” meaning he gets his political column ideas from New York’s seedier bars, cops on the beat, garbage collectors—anyone but the politicians themselves.

He has written some memorable lines in his career of 40-plus years—like the one about a subject’s receiving “immediate lacerations of the credibility,” or “…designed by architects with honorable intentions but hands of palsy,” or, our personal favorite: “Media, the plural of mediocrity.”

But we digress. Let’s get back to why Breslin would love Piyush Jindal, Timmy Teepel, Kyle Plotkin, et al.

The shocking speed (or should we say Shock Doctrine speed) at which the legislature approved Jindal’s education reforms is still seared into our collective memories. Well, okay, some of our collective memories. There are those so caught up in Dancing with the Stars and TMZ that they are not even aware there is a legislature, let along education reforms.

One of the “reforms” in that education package was the approval of vouchers. But guess what? The vouchers were approved without the administration’s or the Department of Education’s having bothered to establish accountability guidelines. Thus, we have 315 vouchers going to a Ruston school that for all intents and purposes, doesn’t even have books, desks, or buildings to accommodate 315 students. Then there’s that school in DeRidder whose administrator is on court-ordered probation to exercise no financial authority over anything. Yet it received approval for vouchers worth hundreds of thousands of dollars—and school officials couldn’t even correctly spell “Scholarship” on its portable sign set up outside the school.

Oops.

In pitching his education reform, Jindal made a big deal of saying he wanted to rid the state of failing teachers. Yet, his new law allows uncertified teachers to teach in charter schools while traditional public school teachers still must have certification.

When a teacher in a public school is found to be a pedophile, in violation of drug laws or of prohibitions against sex with underage students, the one weapon heretofore available to school administrators was the ability to yank the teacher’s certification so that he could never again teach in Louisiana. That safeguard does not exist in charter schools.

Oops again.

Before the school reform debacle, there was the Office of Risk Management which the state paid F.A. Richard and Associates (FARA) $68 million to take over and then added another $6.8 million sweetener less than eight months down the road. Within weeks of the approval of the $6.8 million contract amendment, FARA sold out to an Ohio firm, which less than four months later, sold out to a New York firm—all despite a clause in FARA’s original contract which specifically said its contract could not be transferred without “prior written approval.” When asked by LouisianaVoice for a copy of the prior written approval, the word from the Division of Administration was that no such document existed.

Double oops.

Now about that retirement SNAFU.

Jindal failed to gain approval of all but two of his state employee retirement bills. One that did pass was the changeover to a 401(k)-type pension plan for new hires but the administration again managed to get the proverbial cart ahead of the horse by not tying up a few important loose ends—like, oh say, will the approved plan be a “qualified plan” under IRS regulations and thus be tax-exempt?

If not, vested contributions by employees would be subject to taxation, according to Cindy Rougeou, executive director of the Louisiana State Employees Retirement System (LASERS).

Jindal took time out of his busy nationwide speaking schedule and jockeying to become Mitt Romney’s running mate (which has about as much chance as Rosie O’Donnell’s being chosen Miss America–but Lord, wouldn’t it be fun to watch Jindal and Joe Biden in a vice-presidential debate?) to try to get a clarification—again, well after the fact.

Piyush on Friday authorized Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater to apply to the IRS for a determination letter on the eligibility of the “cash-balance” plan, scheduled to go into effect on July 1, 2013.

The issue of whether or not the new plan would be considered the equivalent to Social Security also created a new legal wrinkle that must be considered.

A tax attorney also told the LASERS board on Friday that should the cash-balance plan not be considered equivalent to Social Security, then new employees would be required to be enrolled in Social Security in addition to the 401(k) plan. That would mean the state would have to match employee Social Security contributions, thus adding significant costs to the state whose employees are not now members of Social Security.

“It is the responsibility of the employer—the state of Louisiana—to provide the equivalent benefit,” Rougeou said. “They (the state) are the ones (who are) going to be on the hook for paying for Social Security,” she said.

Only one other state, Nebraska, has a cash balance system, Rougeou said, but she pointed out Nebraska state employees also have Social Security.

The real absurdity in all this is that the LASERS board was first at the starting gate in deciding to seek the IRS ruling Friday morning but Jindal, as is his wont, jumped in front of the parade later that same day and shouted, “Follow me!” in an effort to make it all seem as if it were his idea.

In his executive order, Piyush said that as pension plan sponsor, the state would be the “appropriate party” to fill applications with the IRS. LASERS is not the only state retirement plan for which a determination must be made, he sniffed; there are three other systems that must also be considered. He said in his order that it would be better to coordinate applications “in a manner that avoids multiple, duplicative and conflicting submissions.”

Jindal can’t say he wasn’t given a heads up on this issue. LouisianaVoice, well before the spate of retirement bills ever came up for debate, posed the Social Security question. If we, with our admittedly (like Jane Smith) limited knowledge of such matters, could see the problem, then where were the political geniuses?

Of course, we know that Jindal probably wasn’t even in the state. He was too busy campaigning for others, raising campaign funds for himself and hawking his book to attend to such mundane fiscal matters.

Still, the question lingers: why wasn’t Jindal, with all those whiz kids around him to give him the benefit of all their wonderful knowledge, made aware of the potential IRS and Social Security problems—before the retirement bills were written, introduced, and voted into law?

Why indeed.

It’s a question that should not be allowed to go away.

All together now: Oops.

“Is that worthy of the people whom we represent that when we have disagreements with people, we’re going to try to have a chilling effect on whom they communicate with?”

–State Rep. John Bel Edwards (D-Amite), head of the House Democratic Caucus, commenting in March on a request by the law partner of the executive director of the State Republican Party for copies of all emails he had exchanged with representatives of the Louisiana Federation of Teachers over Gov. Piyush Jindal’s sweeping education reform package.

In previous stories we have alternately referred to Gov. Piyush Jindal as “Nixon Redux” and “Nixon Reincarnate.” Little did we know the frightening accuracy of what we then thought were tongue-in-cheek comparisons.

It was on July 24, 1971, when little Piyush was only six weeks old and long before he adopted the name Bobby after a character on The Brady Bunch, that Egil “Bud” Krogh was instructed by Nixon’s assistant for domestic affairs John Ehrlichman to establish a covert team to stop the leaking of classified information to the news media.

The specific incident that prompted the formation of the team, which became known as the White House Plumbers, was the leaking of the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times but the unit soon expanded into other areas, including the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, illegal campaign activities and the attempted cover up of the Watergate break-in.

Now, almost exactly 41 years later, Jindal appears to have established his own Plumbers Unit to investigate leaks and “negative” emails.

Actually, the governor’s little investigation may have begun closer to the 40th anniversary of the birth of the Plumbers.

Last October, Bryan Jeansonne, law partner of State Republican Executive Director Jason Doré, sent public record requests to parish school superintendents throughout the state seeking all emails between the superintendents and school employees.

That, of course, was the big dust-up to the introduction and subsequent passage of the governor’s far-reaching education reform package. Apparently, the administration—or someone representing the administration—wanted to know if local superintendents were saying anything negative to teachers in advance of the impending legislative fight over public education.

Then, in March, State Rep. John Bel Edwards (D-Amite), head of the House Democratic Caucus, said he had received a similar request from Jeansonne in which Jeansonne demanded copies of emails Edwards had exchanged with persons affiliated with the Louisiana Federation of Teachers (LFT). The LFT opposed Jindal’s efforts to create a statewide voucher program which would use tax dollars to send children to private schools.

Then, only last month, Doré made a public records request for copies of signed petitions of the four active efforts to recall Jindal, House Speaker Chuck Kleckley (R-Lake Charles) and Reps. Greg Cromer and Kevin Pearson, both Slidell Republicans.

“We wanted to make sure we got on this early,” Doré said.

The only problem with his request was he was too early; the petitions are not public record and will not become public until they are officially filed with the Secretary of State’s office.

One source said that there were rumors that the administration has spies who are attempting to review the names of everyone who has signed a recall petition in an effort to determine if any are state employees.

Given Piyush’s managerial style, any unfortunate state employee found to have signed a recall would be subjected to severe reprisals, including not-so-subtle intimidation and termination.

The latest volley to be fired by the Jindalistas came on Friday when word was leaked to LouisianaVoice that the administration has ordered a search of all Louisiana Department of Revenue computers for emails that might contain any information about “alternative fuels,” “flex fuels” or anything negative about the resignation/firing of Revenue Secretary Cynthia Bridges on June 15.

Bridges was shown the door (She actually resigned, but many believe she was pressured into resigning–speculation that the governor’s office did not even bother to deny) after issuing an emergency order to grant alternative fuel tax rebates on more than 100 qualifying types of vehicles—as she was instructed to do by Act 469, signed by Gov. Jindal. The ruling escalated the state’s potential liability from an estimated $907,000 over five years to about $100 million. That was because of the introduction of flex fuel vehicles subsequent to the passage of HB 110, authored by former State Rep. Jane Smith (R-Bossier City) in 2009 and which, upon Jindal’s signature, became Act 469.

Smith last fall lost her race for the State Senate and was appointed deputy secretary of the Department of Revenue.

Ironically, when Bridges resigned, Smith, who earlier this year said, “…They offered me the job (as deputy secretary) even though I don’t know a thing about revenue,” was elevated to the job overseeing the single agency responsible for the collection of revenue so the state can pay its bills.

It was apparently Smith’s admission of her lack of qualifications for the deputy secretary’s job that prompted the latest witch hunt by the administration. Apparently the Jindalistas want to know who leaked the quotes attributed to Smith.

Supposedly, the administration asked that those involved with the bill volunteer any email information but the results were not satisfactory and now a search of all employees’ emails has been ordered. The claim is the administration needs the information for undisclosed litigation–a weak and dubious excuse at best. We can’t wait to see how rank and file employee emails might figure in a legal strategy.

But then, with the legal advice this administraton has received on such matters as employee retirement and the comandeering of local taxes to pay for students to attend charter schools in other parishes, who knows?

Sorry to disappoint you, Piyush, but when state employees send us information, they are smart enough to do so from their private computers and personal email accounts. Not only will you not find that information in any email, we didn’t even get it from a state employee.

The information came from the private sector.

And you’ll play hell prying the source of that information out of us.

“The course provider shall receive a course amount for each eligible funded student.”

“…The per course amount means an amount equal to the market rate as determined by the course provider and reported to the State Department of Education.”

“No local public school system shall actively discourage, intimidate, or threaten an eligible funded student or an eligible participating student during the course enrollment process or at any time for that local school system.”

–Examples of language contained in House Bill 976, aka Act 2, aka the Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence Act, passed by the legislature and signed into law by Gov. Piyush Jindal, which is anticipated to cost the state $44.5 million over five years.

The controversy over Monday’s meeting of the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) School Innovation and Turnaround “Committee,” while important, could be a mere smokescreen for a far murkier and more complicated issue.

To be sure, legitimate questions about teacher certification and accountability standards for charter schools and some 124 private schools accepting voucher money were raised at the meeting formally described as a committee meeting, but attended by the full board.

But lying beneath the surface is House Bill 976 authored by Rep. Stephen Carter (R-Baton Rouge) and signed into law as Act 2, or the “Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence Act,” by Gov. Piyush Jindal.

The bill, which passed in the House by a 60-43 vote and 24-15 in the Senate in the legislature’s rush to placate the governor, will allow course providers to “offer a quality, individual education to students.”

So, what exactly, is a course provider?

That’s the same thing that Reps. Sam Jones (D-Franklin) and John Bel Edwards (D-Amite) wanted to know during debate on the bill. No one else seemed interested, including the media whose job it is to explore the issues, but who seem more interested, as one observer put it, to play sycophant to Jindal.

Under terms of the act, postsecondary education institutions may serve as quality course providers for students who seek advanced level course work or technical or vocational instruction. Because “technical” and “vocational” were included in the bill’s language, could that mean that “postsecondary education institutions” would include not only traditional universities and colleges, but vocational and technical schools and proprietary schools like University of Phoenix and IT Technical College, as well?

But the bill goes on to specify that business and industry may also serve as “quality course providers that offer course work in their particular field or expertise.”

“‘Course provider’ means an entity that offers individual courses in person or online, including but not limited to online or virtual education providers,” the act says.

BESE member Chas Roemer of Baton Rouge, meanwhile thumbed his nose at state ethics laws by openly discussing certification of charter school teachers. BESE member Walter Lee, who is superintendent of the DeSoto Parish school system, asked why there is no requirement that charter school teachers be certified when public schools require certification.

Roemer, whose sister is executive director of the Louisiana Public Charter School Association, which would thereby create an apparent conflict any time he addresses issues concerning charter schools, said the policy was in line with the administration’s goal of allowing charter schools to try new approaches. “There are going to be differences and there should be differences,” he said.

State Superintendent of Education John White, who deleted without responding two emails from LouisianaVoice formally requesting public records, said accountability rules for private schools accepting voucher money would be completed by Aug. 1.

That would appear to putting the horse ahead of the cart when one considers vouchers that have already been approved for schools in Ruston, Westlake and DeRidder that are woefully understaffed and which have inadequate facilities to accommodate students they already have, much less up to 300 new voucher students.

But back to HB 976, aka Act 2, aka Student Scholarships for Educational Excellence Act, projected to cost the state $44.5 million over a five-year period. The initial authorization of the course provider shall be for three years, with BESE charged with carrying out a “thorough review” after the second year.

Courses would be available to students attending a public school that receive a letter grade of “C,” “D,” or “F,” or who is attending a public school that does not offer the course in which a student desires to enroll, the act says.

BESE is directed by the bill to create a reciprocal teacher certification process for teachers who reside in other states by next January. The teachers must be employed by authorized course providers to teach virtual education courses.

Moreover, prior to the 2013-2014 school year BESE must create a course catalogue for all courses offered by each parish.

The act even contains a veiled threat to would-be recalcitrant local school systems: “No local public school system shall actively discourage, intimidate or threaten an eligible funded student or an eligible participating student during his course enrollment process or at any time for that local school system.”

Of course, no proposal by the Jindal administration would be complete without the obligatory provision for payoffs. “The course provider shall receive a course amount for each eligible funded student,” the act says. The per-course amount means an amount equal to the market rate “as determined by the course provider” and reported to the state Department of Education (DOE).

One Louisiana native, now a retired school principal in Arizona, examined the 47-page bill (something that most legislators probably did not bother to do) and offered several observations about costs, administration and unethical course providers.

“I am struck by how complicated and expensive the oversight of these programs will be and how time consuming it will be for local districts,” she said.

“Districts want to make sure that these providers are sound and ethical and really providing an education. You would be amazed at the number of unethical providers that will pop up when there’s money to be had,” she said. “This is just another burden on your local district which is not staffed well enough to take on one more onerous responsibility.

“This is the shotgun approach to education—a scattering of this and that in terms of learning—instead of a coherent, articulated approach over several years.”

She said that oversight is always expensive and questioned the manner in which it would be done. If a student receives an “A” rather than an “F” that he might deserve, “will the school be judged to be superior or will the students be re-tested to see if they learned anything?” she asked. “Grading is a complex issue and unethical operators are happy to give the A’s if they get the money.

“Unless I missed something, I don’t know who is approving these course providers for the first year. Is there a list of them—perhaps providers who’ve been operating in other states? I can’t see that the bill addresses that and that is important.

“This is just one more step in totally dismantling public education and finding ways for businesses to take money from the public coffers—just more privatization using taxpayer dollars. Capitalism is about risk that capitalists take to establish their businesses. Where is the risk in this if the funding is capitalized by taxpayers’ dollars?” she asked.