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LouisianaVoice has learned that despite serious deficiencies that included widespread cheating that closed the Abramson Science & Technology Charter School in New Orleans last year, its sister school in Baton Rouge continues to operate with the blessings of the Louisiana Department of Education (DOE).

At the same time Abramson’s problems were surfacing more than a year ago, reports of wrongful firing of teachers and student mistreatment at Kenilworth Science & Technology School in Baton Rouge finally came to light when it was learned that DOE had launched an investigation of Abramson.

Both schools are run by a Texas company affiliated with the Gulen movement, a Turkish offshoot of the Islamic faith.

The problems at Abramson were first reported by state education employee Folwell Dunbar. Dunbar and his supervisor, Jacob Landry, who was director of the DOE charter office, were promptly fired after reporting the abuses that included sexual misconduct, neglect and missing files.

In a cover-up that has become indicative of the manner in which DOE is run under the Piyush Jindal-John White administration, a 72-page report on an investigation conducted by DOE was generated. That report included a five-page cover letter by then-acting Superintendent of Education Ollie Tyler to Board of Elementary and Secondary Education President Penny Dastugue that claimed DOE first learned of the allegations surrounding Abramson on July 14, 2011, even though Dunbar and Landry had warned of problems at the school more than a year before.

To be fair, the report was compiled and released prior to White’s being named superintendent but he has taken no apparent steps to alter the situation at Kenilworth subsequent to his takeover of the department.

The claim that the department had no knowledge of wrongdoing at the school only served to discredit the entire report.

Dunbar, in a memo to department colleagues in 2010, said that Inci Akpinar, vice president of Atlas Texas Construction & Trading, the Texas company with ties to the Gulen movement, told Dunbar during a discussion of the school’s problems, “I have $25,000 to fix this problem: $20,000 for you and five for me.

A state audit conducted well in advance of the report’s publication also cited the school for having classrooms without instructors for weeks or even months at a time and of students who claimed their science fair projects had been done by their teachers.

Abramson’s charter was subsequently revoked but Kenilworth has continued to operate and last week, the school’ superintendent was calling on businesses in Baton Rouge in an attempt to raise funds for a science fair at the school.

Dr. Tevfik Eski, chief executive officer of Pelican Education Foundation in New Orleans which ran Abramson until its charter was revoked, was handing out business cards that contained the names of both Abramson and Kenilworth Science & Technology Charter Schools, only the word “Abramson” had been scratched through with blue ink and the letters “CMO” scribbled in over the word “Technology.”

CMO stands for “Charter Management Organization” and Pelican Education Foundation contracts with Cosmos Foundation, the CMO that runs the Harmony School Network in Texas, with which Abramson and Kenilworth were affiliated through Atlas Construction.

Click on image to enlarge:

If all that sounds terribly convoluted, it’s for a reason. Because of its organizational structure the Texas Education Authority (TEA) reported last year it had no knowledge of the problems with Abramson and Kenilworth even though the Cosmos Foundation operates more than 30 such schools in Texas.

In addition to his Baton Rouge address, Eski’s business card also contained the telephone and fax numbers of Pelican Education Foundation, his email address at Kenilworth and the web address of Pelican Education Foundation. In addition, he had written (also in blue ink) his Baton Rouge cell number.

One would think that a year after Abramson had its charter yanked, Eski would spring for new business cards but give him points for austerity.

In addition to the deficiencies already mentioned, the 72-page report by DOE also noted that Abramson students who were failing in English and math and who would not graduate from Abramson on time were being accepted en masse to North American College in Houston.

Then-Abramson principal Cuneyt Dokmen cited the acceptances as proof that Abramson was successful but the DOE report noted that Dokmen was scheduled to work at North American College in the fall of 2011.

North American College is a private, non-profit, four-year institution founded in 2010 that offers only three bachelor degree programs—education, computer science and business administration.

So what we have here is a dysfunctional DOE that shoots the messenger when it hears bad news from its own, generates lengthy investigative reports that deny knowledge of information that in fact the department had for more than a year, and allows one of the charter schools to continue operations with no accountability required.

Bottom line: can we believe anything that comes out of the Louisiana Department of Education’s administrative offices?

No wonder John White thinks he needs that $144,000 public relations mouthpiece.

The inmates are truly running the asylum.

“…Attorney’s fees should be awarded only when the action of the appointing authority is found to be unreasonable. Based on the evidence present at this hearing, I conclude that (the) Department of Revenue was unreasonable in going forward on its charge. Therefore…I award attorney’s fees to Ms. Pike in the amount of $1500.”

—Louisiana Civil Service Commission referee Roxie F. Goynes, in her ruling in favor of Lisa Pike, an agent with the State Office of Alcohol and Tobacco Control Commissioner Troy Hebert, a former state senator appointed by Gov. Piyush Jindal. Hebert had suspended Pike when her doctor refused to provide weekly medical reports while she was on extended medical leave.

The beleaguered State Office of Alcohol and Tobacco Control (ATC) is experiencing more bad karma, thanks to what appears to be a series of ill-advised polices put in place by ATC Commissioner Troy Hebert.

Hebert is a former state senator from Jeanerette appointed to his position by Gov. Piyush Jindal in November of 2010 after Hebert’s predecessor, Murphy Painter was fired in August of that year on charges of sexual harassment and then was indicted earlier this year on charges of computer fraud, making false statements and aggravated identity theft.

Hebert now is facing his own problems including allegations that he deliberately sent an ATC agent into harm’s way, that he has transferred agents from one end of the state to the other with as little as two days’ notice, and last month’s decision by the Louisiana Civil Service Commission that he pay an employee back wages, interest and attorney fees after he suspended her for insubordination when her doctor refused to comply with what the commission agreed were unreasonable demands made under the Family Medical Leave Act (FMLA).

Hebert had suspended ATC administrative assistant Lisa Pike after her physician declined to provide weekly status reports as ordered by Hebert. Pike was on extended medical leave for failure to provide acceptable proof that was unable to work.

Hebert’s action was taken despite her doctor’s written certification that she was unable to work and that she “has been under my care from July 19, 2011 to Aug. 19, 2011” and that she could “return to work on Aug. 20, 2011.”

On July 29, 2011, Hebert sent Pike a letter of suspension.

“This letter is to advise you that you are being placed (o)n Leave Without Pay (LWOP) effective Thursday, July 21, 2011, for failure to provide acceptable proof that you were ill and unable to report to work,” the letter from Hebert said.

“You were directed by letter dated July 13, 2011, to submit a statement from your health care provider to verify that you are unable to report to work due to illness or medical condition. The statements you submitted do not specify the cause of your absence or verify that you are unable to report to work.”

The physician subsequently agreed to provide weekly medical reports but charged Pike $25 for each of the weekly updates.

In her ruling of Sept. 20, Civil Service Commission referee Roxie F. Goynes ordered the Department of Revenue (DOR) to pay Ms. Pike back wages, with interest. ATC is part of DOR. “I further order DOR to remove all documents concerning this disciplinary action from Ms. Pike’s personnel file,” Goynes said in her ruling.

Goynes added that DOR “was unreasonable in going forward on its charge. Therefore, pursuant to the provisions of Civil Service Rule 13.35, I award attorney’s fees to Ms. Pike in the amount of $1500.”

But perhaps the most serious claim against Hebert is that he ordered an agent back into bars in New Orleans in full uniform where she had previously worked on undercover assignments to purchase drugs. If true, such a decision could have placed the agent’s life in peril had she been recognized by those from whom she had purchased drugs.

A formal complaint of discrimination filed against Hebert by agent Daimian McDowell contained the allocation that “Commissioner Hebert has assigned African-American agents to dangerous duties.”

In his complaint, one of three separate complaints filed by three separate agents earlier this month, McDowell said that agent Lori Claiborne of Gonzales was transferred from the Baton Rouge region to the New Orleans region. She had worked as a narcotics agent in Baton Rouge so her supervisor in New Orleans allowed her to work as a task force officer (TFO) in cooperation with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) while remaining an employee of ATC.

As a TFO, Claiborne worked undercover in civilian clothing, purchasing synthetic marijuana from dealers in New Orleans bars.

Upon learning of her work with DEA, Hebert ordered her back to Baton Rouge and over the objections of Claiborne and another agent, assigned her to conduct inspections in the same establishments—in full uniform—where she had purchased drugs as an undercover agent, the complaint says.

Other written complaints against Hebert, all dated Oct. 2, 2012, include:

• Asking an employee to “keep tabs” on a fellow agent;

• Transferring agent Charles Gilmore from Baton Rouge to Shreveport with no advance notice and subsequently telling one of his co-workers, another ATC agent, that he took the action in the hopes it would prompt Gilmore to take early retirement;

• Boasting that he planned to “break up” a trio of black agents in north Louisiana (one of whom was subsequently fired);

• Requiring supervisors to report to their subordinates;

• Calling agent Larry Hingle “a zero” and sending an email to other employees soliciting suggestions for ways to punish Hingle for the agent’s failure to address Hebert at “Commissioner” or “Sir,” as per a directive by Hebert.

In addition to the three formal complaints to both the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and to Civil Service, six members of the ATC Command staff and six ATC employees sent a five-page letter in March of 2011 to then-Revenue Secretary Cynthia Bridges in which they itemized a laundry list of 45 separate complaints against Hebert. The contents of that letter would comprise much of the complaint contained in a subsequent lawsuit against the Department of Revenue that is still pending in 19th Judicial District Court in Baton Rouge.

That letter and the lawsuit filed by a fourth ATC agent contain several charges that are eerily familiar to some of the charges against Hebert’s predecessor, Murphy Painter. Those documents will be the subject of our next installment.

“I don’t think water is so damn special.”

—Dave “Lefty” Lefkowith, speaking at a “Liquid Assets” seminar in Florida in 1996 at which he advocated the privatization of public water supplies in Florida.

“I have no idea who made him a panelist.”

—David Struhs, secretary of the Florida Department of Environmental Protection and a close friend of Lefkowith, responding to inquiries about Lefkowith’s participation in the seminar. (Struhs said Lefkowith had traveled from California to Florida to celebrate Struhs’ birthday.)

LouisianaVoice has learned that the Department of Education may have an understandable, if not altogether legitimate reason for refusing to release information to the public: a candid response to one request for information might well lead to additional requests and subsequent release of information that the department simply does not want on the street. In short, things could get out of hand in a hurry. That’s called the domino effect.

Accordingly, DOE is following the lead of Gov. Piyush Jindal, who hides behind the “deliberative process” in not releasing information, by likewise clamping down on all information flowing from the department.

That, if nothing else, should be sufficient for Louisiana citizens to demand a more open administration from their absentee governor.

It turns out that Dave “Lefty” Lefkowith, DOE’s new Director of the Office of Portfolio, has quite a past, with strong connections to former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, the infamous Enron Corp. and a spinoff company called Azurix. More about that later.

Our initial request for public records resulted in the disclosure that Lefty was an employee of DOE. The obligatory follow up request for information revealed that the Louisiana taxpayers got him for a mere $144,999.88 a year, with a “free” Youtube video to boot, albeit a largely amateurish effort to hype DOE’s computer Course Content.

It might also be worth noting that on that video, Lefkowith gives himself a promotion—from being Director of the Office of Portfolio to Deputy Superintendent.

That, of course, prompted a more thorough background search and what we found was a real eye-opener and should be a red flag to state legislators and Louisiana taxpayers alike. If, after all, the past is really prelude, then his appointment does not bode well for education in this state. This could well be a train wreck waiting to happen and it begs the question: just how much tolerance will the citizens of Louisiana have for this administration’s shenanigans before enough is enough?

The information that follows comes from investigative reports by Michael Pollock and Chris Davis of the Sarasota (FLA) Herald-Tribune. Davis is now leader of a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative team at the Tampa Bay Times in St. Petersburg, FLA.

In 1998, when Jeb Bush was running for governor of Florida, Enron, then a fast-rising Houston energy broker, was in the process of diversifying into the potentially profitable new field of water supply privatization through a subsidiary called Azurix Corp.

Secretary of the Florida Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) David Struhs, a Bush appointee, was simultaneously promoting two concepts on behalf of Azurix: auctioning off blocks of water to the highest bidders and obtaining underground water and storing it for later withdrawal through a process called aquifer storage and recovery (ASR).

Enron sank $900 million in Azurix, hoping to duplicate the proposed action in two other states, California and Enron’s home state of Texas, as well as in South America. Ultimately, however, Enron lost $500 million when the project failed to materialize, eventually selling what was left of the company in 2001 to American Water Works as a precursor to the eventual collapse of Enron.

Struhs also pushed another project to deregulate energy in Florida and to open the state to competition by allowing companies to build power plants, using existing power lines for the purpose of selling electricity to the highest bidding utility or other customers.

Standing shoulder to shoulder with Struhs was his good friend, David “Lefty” Lefkowith, president of Canyon Group, Inc., of Los Angeles.

First, a little background:

Back in 1991, President George H. Bush named 23 industrialists and environmentalists to the President’s Commission on Environmental Quality and named Struhs to run the commission. One of the 23 commission appointees was then-Enron CEO Kenneth Lay.

When Bush lost his re-election bid to Bill Clinton in 1992, Struhs went to work for Lefkowith as vice president of Canyon Group. Lefkowith has represented as many as 60 different electric power companies through his company.

By 1998, Struhs was working for Jeb Bush and Lefkowith was on board with the ill-fated Florida water privatization project. “I don’t think water is so damn special,” he said at the time. “If you let markets take over, you’d find water was cheaper, there would be more of it, and customers would be better served.” He neglected to explain how water quantity would increase.

Fast forward to 2002 and Struhs and Lefkowith were back at the forefront of market manipulation in Florida at the behest of Jeb Bush, but by now, their dealings were with electric power companies. Struhs was DEP Secretary and Jeb Bush had set up Energy 2020 Commission, a group assembled to study deregulation.

This time when Struhs brought him in as a consultant, Lefkowith was given unlimited access to all the emails of Bush’s Energy 2020 Commission members and staffers even though most of the 2020 commissioners never heard of him, never saw him and never knew he access to their correspondence. The Energy 2020 Commission was a group Jeb Bush assembled to study deregulation.

On Feb. 4, 2001, Struh’s deputy chief of staff, Mollie Palmer, ordered a half-dozen top DEP employees to start sending Energy 2020 Commission documents to Lefkowith with emails from Energy 2020 Chairman Walter Revell or from commission executive director Billy Stiles to be “forwarded to Lefty upon receipt.”

After receiving a copy of that memo, Pollock and Davis requested copies of all documents sent to Lefkowith but DEP officials responded that no documents existed. (That sounds much like the responses received by Capitol News Service from the Division of Administration and from the Louisiana governor’s office.)

“Who is this guy to get this information?” asked Florida Democratic Party Chairman Bob Poe. “From the tone and tenor of these emails and communications, he is directing energy policy (for the state). What authority does he have to do that? And for what purpose?”

Democratic State Sen. Kip Campbell of Tarmarac was even less forgiving of the practice. “Suppose I was sending letters to Struhs, like ‘here is my thought process on what we are going to do legislatively.’ And Lefkowith knows this ahead of time. Lefkowith might be working for Calpine and all those other companies, and selling that knowledge for profit. I’d be willing to wager he probably was.”

Lefkowith also attended strategy sessions with Gov. Jeb Bush to discuss findings of the Energy 2020 Commission.

In addition, he lobbied Florida utility representatives in private meetings on the issue of building power plants in order to broker power sales.

He would later use the information he had obtained as confidant to Struhs and Jeb Bush to wrangle a consulting job with the Florida PSC.

So now “Lefty” Lefkowith is in the employ of Louisiana Department of Education as Director of the Office of Portfolio, which is over the Office of Parental Options—whatever the function of those offices may be.

Given his past efforts at privatizing water sales and his attempt at forming a consortium to sell electric power to the highest bidder in Florida, it should come as no surprise to see him attempt to implement much the same type of coup with charter schools or the computer Course Choice program in Louisiana.

Whatever the case, one can bet there is money to be made somewhere in the grand scheme of things.

All this from our initial request for the amount he was paid for making a video of embarrassingly amateurish quality.

No wonder news outlets are experiencing difficulty in obtaining information from the “most open, accountable and transparent administration in the history of Louisiana.”

Our mothers always told us one thing leads to another.

There’s another adage that applies here: Sunshine is the best disinfectant.