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“Claims for federal matching funds cannot be based upon estimates or projects. Please add language that describes the actual historical utilization and trend factors utilized in the calculation.”

“Are the (private) hospitals required to provide a specific amount of health care service to low income and needy patients?”

—Questions posed to the state in a Jan. 30 letter to the Louisiana Department of Health and Hospitals by Bill Brooks, Associate Regional Administrator, Division of Medicaid and Children’s Health Operations in Dallas.

“If we were to deny these contracts, we will not be able to provide these services to the citizens. I believe the hospitals would close.”

—Louisiana Civil Service Commission member Scott Hughes of Shreveport, commenting on his switching his vote from opposed to the privatization contracts for hospitals in New Orleans Houma, Lake Charles, and Lafayette to a vote in favor. At the same time, Hughes said he still had concerns over whether federal officials (CMS) would approve Medicaid financing necessary to bring the Jindal budget into balance. His concerns centered around questions about some of the financial data provided by the administration.

The Louisiana Civil Service Commission notwithstanding, the state may not yet be out of the woods with its plan to privatize nine of 10 LSU hospitals and clinics that provide medical care for the state’s poor and uninsured and which provide training sites for many of the state’s medical students.

A spokesman for the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) in Dallas said on Wednesday that it still has not received answers to all its questions put to the state in a Jan. 30 letter and the continued flow of hundreds of millions of dollars in federal Medicaid funds could hinge on satisfactory responses by the state to those questions.

The Civil Service Commission on Monday reversed an earlier vote and approved the contracts for the takeover of four hospitals in Houma, Lafayette, New Orleans and Lake Charles.

That approval, however, was based on criteria that did not appear to fall within the purview of the commission. Commission member Scott Hughes of Shreveport said since the commission’s previous vote of last week, the legislature approved a budget for next year that assumed the privatization of the hospitals. That action, he said, would leave no money available to operate the hospitals through LSU if the deals had been rejected.

A lawsuit against the City of New Orleans by the New Orleans Civil Service Commission—not unilateral administration or legislative actions—has traditionally been the precedent the commission considers when presented with layoff plans from state agencies. That decision said that administrations “do not have the unfettered discretion to potentially decimate the civil service system by eliminating all civil service positions to privatization.”

That ruling also said the city must turn over “all documents and other evidence which (might) enable the commission to determine (1) whether any civil service employees will be involuntarily displaced from civil service and if so, (2) whether the contract was entered into for reasons of efficiency and economy and not for politically motivated reasons.”

The question of whether the contracts will produce greater efficiency and economy remain unanswered because the contracts for the privatization of the four hospitals contained insufficient financial details.

Hughes changed his vote of opposition last week to one of approval on Monday after Michael Kaiser, chief executive officer of the LSU Health Care Services Division described the financial arrangements in a general overview with few specifics.

Kaiser said a reduction in federal Medicaid financing to the state would force the closure of facilities. He even listed a number of closures that were under consideration before the lease deals—all of which apparently helped Hughes see the light and to become a convert. “If we were to deny these contracts, we will not be able to provide these services to the citizens,” he said. “I believe these hospitals would close.”

So apparently the procedure is to delete funding from the state budget, thereby creating a crisis by throwing the continued operation of the hospitals into doubt and forcing the Civil Service Commission to do the governor’s bidding by accepting the contracts and in the process, throwing some 4,000 employees out of work.

The CMS spokesperson on Wednesday said, “CMS does not play any role in the actual privatization of the hospitals. “However, as part of the privatization, the State of Louisiana is modifying the Medicaid reimbursement to those hospitals. The change in reimbursement requires the submission of State Plan Amendments (SPA). CMS currently has received some of the necessary SPA and they are under review.”

When asked to be more specific as to the number of SPA responses, he replied, “We’ve received two or three but we don’t have a firm number on how many the state would need to submit.”

Last Jan. 30, Bill Brooks, associate regional administrator for the CMS Division of Medicaid and Children’s Health Operations in Dallas, sent a six-page letter to Ruth Kennedy, director of the Bureau of Health Services Financing for the Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH) in which he requested additional clarifying information which he cautioned had the effect of “stopping the 90-day clock” for CMS to take action on the proposed State plan amendment (SPA) which “proposed to revise the reimbursement methodology for inpatient hospital services to establish supplemental Medicaid payments to non-state owned hospitals in order to encourage them to take over the operation and management of state-owned and operated hospitals that have terminated or reduced services.”

Brooks said a new 90-day clock would not begin until his office had received satisfactory responses to his requests.

A CMS spokesperson on Wednesday clarified that stipulation. “By regulation, we have 90 days from initial submission to review, disapprove or request additional information,” he said. “When we request additional information and the state formally responds, we have an additional 90 days to review and approve or disapprove.”

He said CMS has no control on how long it may take the state to respond. “These are complex state plan amendments, so you can assume that requests for additional information will occur.”

One of the requirements that Brooks cited was one which said CMS “must have copies of all signed standard Cooperative Endeavor Agreements.” He also asked the state to provide all Intergovernmental Transfer (IGT) management agreements and “any other agreements that would present the possibility of a transfer of value between the two entities.”

He said, “CMS has concerns that such financial arrangements meet the definition of non-bona fide provider donations as described in federal statute and regulations.

“Detailed information needs to be provided to determine whether the dollar value of the contracts between private and public entities had any fair market valuation. There can be no transfer of value or a return or reduction of payments reflected in these agreements,” he said.

“Additionally, whether the State is a party to the financial arrangement or not, the State is ultimately responsible to ensure that the funding is appropriate.”

Brooks asked, “How many entities does the State anticipate will participate in this arrangement? Please submit a list of all participating hospitals, all transferring entities doing the IGT, and the dollar amount that the transferring entities will IGT. Please describe how the hospitals are related/affiliated to the transferring entity and provide the names of all owners of the participating hospitals.”

In the case of the Leonard Chabert Medical Center in Houma, the lessee is listed as Terrebonne Medical Center of Houma but in reality, Ochsner Medical Center of New Orleans will be taking over operations of Leonard Chabert.

“What is the source of all funds that will be transferred?” Brooks asked. “Are they from tax assessments, special appropriations from the State to the county (parish)/city or some other source?

“The State plan methodology must be comprehensive enough to determine the required level of payment and the Federal Financial Participation (FFP) to allow interested parties to understand the rate setting process and the items and services that are paid through these rates,” Brooks said. “Claims for federal matching funds cannot be based upon estimates or projections. Please add language that describes the actual historical utilization and trend factors utilized in the calculation,” he said.

Brooks also asked if the private hospitals destined to take over operations of the state facilities are required to provide a specific amount of health care service to low income and needy patients. “Is this health care limited to hospital only or will health care be provided to the general public? What type of health care covered services will be provided?” he asked.

The CMS spokesperson on Wednesday said if CMS disapproved an amendment, “there would be no federal dollars provided for the changes proposed in the State Plan Amendment.”

“No federal dollars” could translate to hundreds of millions of dollars for a state already wrestling with suffocating budgetary constraints.

That one State Civil Service Commission member, D. Scott Hughes of Shreveport, changed his vote that allows the privatization of four state hospitals should come as no surprise. Many of you who logged comments on last week’s post even predicted it.

But for two members to skip a meeting of such importance is simply unforgivable.

For that reason alone, commission member Dr. Sidney Tobias of LaPlace and commission Chairman David Duplantier of Mandeville should resign immediately.

The board, sans Tobias and Duplantier, met Monday to reconsider the proposed contract between the state and Biomedical Research Foundation of Northwest Louisiana for operation of the LSU Medical Center in Shreveport and E.A. Conway Medical Center in Monroe, between the state and Southern Regional Medical Center and Terrebonne General Medical Center to take over Leonard J. Chabert Medical Center in Houma and between the state and Lake Charles Memorial Hospital to take over in-patient care and medical education from W.O. Moss Medical Center in Lake Charles.

The result was predictable: Last week the vote was 4-3 against acceptance of the contracts but on Monday it was 3-2 in favor.

All the vote did was seal the fate of nearly 4,000 employees who can now anticipate being laid off from their jobs effective June 23.

Keep in mind the decision hinged on a contract approved by the LSU Board of Stuporvisors which contained some 50 blank pages and which contained no financial provisions or termination clause.

Last week’s decision to reject the contract was because commission members said they need more details about financing arrangements. Are we now to believe that over the course of a weekend, sufficient financial information was filled in on those blank pages to satisfy the commission?

We understand that Dr. Tobias is a dentist and as such, has a busy schedule. But if his schedule is such that it is impossible to attend meetings at which the future of 4,000 state employees hang in the balance, then he has no business serving on the board and should resign immediately.

The same goes for attorney Duplantier. You either are in a position to serve or you are not. There can be no gray area in matters of this magnitude.

We bet if a meeting held the potential of costing either Duplantier or Tobias a major share of their clients or patients (read: income), there would be no way to keep them out.

Ego carries you only so far. If you like to boast to your friends that you’re on the Civil Service Commission but you do not have the time to attend a meeting at which 4,000 people lost their jobs, then you’ve lost something even greater; you’ve lost sight of your purpose.

At that point, Tobias and Duplantier become just two more egocentric narcissists with no real concern for others.

How can you face yourselves in the mirror?

Even as he was tweaking the bid specifications that would qualify Client Network Services, Inc. (CNSI) to submit a proposal for a $185 million contract with the Department of Health and Hospitals (DHH), Bruce Greenstein must surely have known of problems his former employer had experienced in other states.

In a related story, LouisianaVoice has learned that James Gorman, a senior technical advisor for the Center for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) founded a company, HWT, a subsidiary of OptumInsight, a “trading partner” with Bayou Health, the program through which most of Louisiana’s Medicaid recipients receive health care services.

CMS is a federal agency within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) which is charged with working in partnership with state governments to administer Medicaid. CMS must also give its stamp of approval on state contracts with companies such as OptumInsight and CNSI.

Greenstein worked in Seattle for Microsoft prior to his being named DHH Secretary by Gov. Bobby Jindal in July of 2010. Prior to that he also worked for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHH) where he oversaw the state Medicaid programs in the Northeast. He led the federal government’s efforts in working with states in reforming state Medicaid programs—a position that would have afforded him intimate knowledge of the workings of companies like CNSI, OptumInsight and others.

Then-DHH Secretary Greenstein awarded but then refused to identify CNSI as the winner of the contract a year ago. His refusal threatened his confirmation by a Senate committee before he finally relented and named CNSI.

Greenstein worked for CNSI in 1995 and 1996. He told the Senate committee that he had constructed a “firewall” between him and CNSI so that he could not influence the awarding of the contract. But emails obtained by the committee revealed that Greenstein and CNSI executives exchanged dozens of emails during the selection process.

Protesting the award at the time were unsuccessful bidders ACS State Healthcare of Atlanta, Ga., and Molina Medicaid Solutions of Long Beach, Calif.

ACS claimed that CNSI deliberately low-balled its cost. CNSI subsequently obtained a $9 million amendment, increasing the cost to $194 million and then requested an additional $40 million immediately prior to word that the FBI had subpoenaed all CNSI records from the Division of Administration.

Had the second amendment been granted, the cost would have been close to the $238 million bid of ACS but the CNSI contract was cancelled by the administration as a federal grand jury investigation got underway. That investigation is still ongoing.

While at CNSI, Greenstein was vice president for Healthcare. While there, he focused on state healthcare systems and claims payments and vital records systems.

Given his experiences with Medicaid systems and given the fact that he resided in Seattle at a time when CNSI was experiencing a multitude of problems with its system in Washington, it’s difficult to imagine that he was unaware of problems the company was having when he “tweaked” the bid specifications to accommodate his former employer.

In 2006, CMS launched an investigation into ongoing problems with the State of Maine’s web-based information management system. CNSI was contracted for that work in 2001 at $14.5 million, but the costs quickly escalated to $70 million as complaints began coming in almost immediately. CNSI had never built a Medicaid billing system before landing the contract with Maine and the company missed its 2002 deadline for completion as well as several subsequent deadlines. Even after the system finally went live in 2005, it malfunctioned and for more than a year the state had to send out estimated payments to Medicaid providers.

After only three days it was learned that the new system had sent 24,000 claims (about 50 percent of all claims) into a “suspended” file.

Normally, suspended claims were those that were either rejected or which contained minor errors. The original system had suspended only about 20 percent of the claims.

Now, instead of payments, doctors were receiving no payments and when they resubmitted the claims, the new system installed by CNSI automatically rejected them again because it was programmed to reject any claim it had already rejected.

Claims had to be processed by hand by state employees but they could process only 1,000 claims per week. Even when the rejection rate was reduced to 20 percent, doctors complained that it was still rejecting legitimate claims.

Doctors, dentists, hospitals, clinics and nursing homes received no payments for services for weeks at a time and some practices were forced to close their businesses or to take out loans to pay their bills.

The experience was much the same in Washington State where hundreds of thousands of claims went unprocessed, causing some doctors and clinics to cease taking new Medicaid patients until they got paid for the ones they’d already treated.

Glitches in the CNSI system resulted in the suspension of thousands of claims which, like those in Maine, had to be processed by hand. By November of 2010, there was a backlog of about 271,000 suspended claims.

One medical center said the state was about $3.8 million behind in payments.

A CNSI spokesperson attributed the problems to managerial mistakes and not deficiencies in the product. “We did not understand the magnitude of such an implementation,” he said. That would seem to be an understatement as the original contract cost of $71 million ballooned to $164 million.

In Michigan, a 2006 three-year, $51.5 million contract was amended no fewer than five times and the contract amount currently is $227.2 million.

And now, the State of Illinois, in an apparent effort to circumvent public bid laws, has entered into an interagency agreement with Michigan to create a shared Medicaid Management Information System (MMIS) to serve both states with CNSI getting the contract for both states.

One of the common threads connecting Illinois and Louisiana is OptumInsight, which reported $1.3 billion in corporate revenues in 2008. OptumInsight has a contract with Illinois to administer its MMIS exchange.

Besides serving as a “trading partner” with Bayou Health, OptumInsight is a wholly-owned subsidiary of UnitedHealth Group. UnitedHealth Group, in turn, offers benefits through two companies, UnitedHealthcare and Optum. UnitedHealthcare has an $83 million consulting contract with DHH to provide enhanced primary care case management. Bringing things full circle, Optum has three operating divisions: OptumHealth, OptumRx and OptumInsight.

If all that is confusing to you, don’t feel bad. The question is how difficult will it be for the federal grand jury to sort all this out so that it can make a determination of whether or not any laws were broken with Louisiana’s contract with CNSI?

A second, even more interesting question is why did the Jindal administration, in cancelling the CNSI contract, issue the self-serving statement that it would not tolerate corruption when there has been no trial or even any formal charges filed?

Third, and most important of all, if Jindal is so intolerant of corruption, why did he allow Greenstein to “resign,” but remain on the job for an entire month before his departure?

It would seem at this point that the answers to all three questions lie with Greenstein and those answers may well rest on what kind of deal he can make with federal prosecutors—depending, of course, on whether the investigation reaches the point of indictments.

Gov. Bobby Jindal had another roadblock thrown in his path to privatization of four LSU hospitals on Wednesday when the State Civil Service Commission, by a 4-3 vote, rejected the state’s contracts with private hospitals to take over state-run facilities in New Orleans, Lafayette, Houma and Lake Charles.

The matter has already been scheduled for a re-hearing on Monday at 8 a.m. in the Louisiana Purchase Room on the first floor of the Claiborne Building at 1201 North Third Street in Baton Rouge.

In taking the action, commission members complained that the information provided by LSU was insufficient.

Really? A contract with 50 blank pages was not enough? The commission perhaps needed some specifics—like an offer and an acceptance and a termination clause?

It should be noted that the commission did not vote to reject the administration’s layoff plans relative to the privatization of the Interim Hospital in New Orleans, University Medical Center in Lafayette, Leonard Chabert Medical Center in Houma and W.O. Moss Medical Center in Lake Charles.

Civil Service Director Shannon Templet must make a decision on the layoff plan by next Tuesday in order for the layoffs to become effective on June 24.

But if the privatization plan is not approved, the hospitals would necessarily have to keep nearly 3,000 classified employees on the job in order to keep the hospitals open.

Dr. Fred Cerise, the former head of the LSU Health System who was fired by Jindal (through the Board of Stuporvisors, of course), said on Wednesday that the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) still has not given the go-ahead for the hospital privatization plan and without that approval, everything else is moot.

Cerise said the state plans to use the $110 million that Children’s Hospital in New Orleans is paying to take over the Interim Hospital (formerly Big Charity before that facility was abandoned after Hurricane Katrina and a new structure built) will be used by the state to leverage greater matching funds from Medicaid.

“But if CMS does not approve the plan, the state will have to repay Medicaid for any excess money it received on the basis of that $110 million,” he said, adding, “I don’t think there’s any way CMS is going to give its stamp of approval to this plan.”

Dr. Michael Kaiser, Chief Executive Officer of the LSU Health Care Services Division, said he would ask the commission to reconsider its decision. He said the commission would be provided with the agreements between LSU and the private companies.

“I’m not sure what they intend to show the commission on Monday,” Cerise said, “but there’s no way they can show a savings when contracts for privatizing two of the hospitals (Chabert and Moss) don’t even contain any financial details.”

That, of course, raises the question of just why was the commission not provided copies of the agreements in the first place. Did Kaiser expect the commission to simply rubber stamp the privatization plan as it has in the past and as the LSU Board of Stuporvisers does on a regular basis with anything Jindal sends over?

In the past the Board of Stuporvisers has done Jindal’s bidding without question—from the firing of LSU President John Lombardi, LSU System General Counsel Raymond Lamonica, and Drs. Roxanne Townsend and Cerise, to operating in complete secrecy to hire a new LSU president who possesses credentials that are questionable at best, to approving essentially blank contracts for the takeover of LSU hospitals in Shreveport, Monroe, Houma and Lake Charles. The contracts consisted of about 50 blank pages and contained no mention of financial terms, specific offers, acceptances or termination clauses.

And for the privilege of doing Jindal’s bidding, members of the Board of Stuporvisers get to metaphorically lick the master’s hand with campaign contributions totaling about a quarter-million dollars between them.

All of which raises another question that no one has asked to this point but one for which there is a desperate need for an answer:

• When was the last time the LSU Board of Stuporvisors took any action during this governor’s administration that supported academics and was not done to achieve a political agenda—Jindal’s political agenda, to be specific?

Anyone? Bueller? Bueller? Anyone?

Kaiser, in the wake of the unexpected rejection of the administration’s plan by the commission, only now bemoans the fact that in anticipation of approval of the privatization, the public hospitals have no money in the state budget for the new fiscal year that begins on July 1.

That would be because Jindal did not include funding in his budget back in January because he was certain his privatization plan would be approved.

Somewhere out there, the ghost of Jim Nabors as Gomer Pyle is flashing a big, innocent grin and saying to Bobby Jindal, aka Barney Fife, “Sur-PRISE, Sur-PRISE, Sur-PRISE!” (Our apologies to Barney Fife.)

Kaiser said the administration would have to try and determine what other action could be taken if the privatization is not approved.

More than 3,500 employees work at the four hospitals. Of that number, 2,953 are classified, or Civil Service rank-and-file employees. The remainder are unclassified and do not enjoy Civil Service protection. Their layoffs do not have to be approved by the commission.

More than half of the classified employees (1,690) are employed at the Interim Hospital in New Orleans. The remainder are at University Medical Center in Lafayette (487), Leonard Chabert Medical Center in Houma (556) and W.O. Moss Medical Center in Lake Charles (220).

It will be interesting to see if any legislators from the affected areas show up for Monday’s Civil Service Commission re-hearing. Republican House Speaker Chuck Kleckley is from Lake Charles.

Other Calcasieu Parish House members include Democrats Michael Danahay, A.B. Franklin, and Dorothy Sue Hill and Republicans Brett Geymann, John Guinn and Ben Hensgens.

Calcasieu senators include Republicans John Smith, Ronnie Johns and Dan “Blade” Morrish.

House members from Lafayette Parish include Democrats Terry Landry, Jack Montoucet, Stephen Orgego and Vincent Pierre and Republicans Taylor Barras, Stuart Bishop, Nancy Landry, and Joel Robideaux.

Senators who represent Lafayette Parish are Republicans Elbert Guillory, Johathan Perry, Page Cortez and Fred Mills.

Terrebonne/Lafourche parish House members include Republicans Gordon Dove, Sr., Joe Harrison and Lenar Whitney of Terrebonne and Democrat Jerry Gisclair and Independent Jerome “Dee” Richard, both of Lafourche. Richard, by the way, was present at Wednesday’s commission hearing.

Representing Lafourche and Terrebonne parishes in the Senate are Democrats Troy Brown and Gary Smith and Republicans Norbert Chabert and Bret Allain.

Orleans Parish House members include Democrats Neil Abramson, Jeffery Arnold, Austin Badon, Wesley Bishop, Jared Brossett, Walt Leger and Helena Moreno. Orleans Republicans include Raymond Garofalo, Christopher Leopold and Nick Lorusso.

Senators who represent Orleans include Republicans A.G. Crowe and Conrad Appel and Democrats Karen Carter Peterson, Jean-Paul Morrell, David Heitmeier and Edwin Murray.