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In the parlance of the criminal justice system, money laundering is sometimes called “washing” or “scrubbing.”

But dirty money is always dirty money, no matter what efforts are taken to make it appear legitimate.

The same is true of politics. Having just gone through a gut-wrench senatorial campaign, we’ve seen up close and personal how political ads come in all manner of misleading half-truths and outright lies. Case in point: the absurd promises of State Sen. Bodi White (R-Central), who ran ads during his recent unsuccessful campaign for Mayor-President of Baton Rouge about how he was going to improve schools, cut the dropout rate, and attract better teachers.

The problem? Neither City Hall nor the mayor have squat to do with public education; that’s the East Baton Rouge Parish School Board’s turf. What’s more, White was fully aware of this, so his ads amounted to nothing more than pure B.S., or, to be more blunt: bald face lies.

And now, thanks to Stephen Winham, our human Early Warning System who often tips us off to interesting stories, we have the laundering of Bobby Jindal’s image by some groupie/writer for the National Review named Dan McLaughlin.

The scrubbing, however, comes a tad early; even in Louisiana, the citizens aren’t likely to forget the carnage wreaked by Jindal so quickly.

McLaughlin, it seems, is an attorney who practices securities and commercial litigation in New York City. He also is a contributing columnist at National Review Online (Go figure). He is a former contributing editor of RedState (No surprise there), a columnist at the Federalist and the New Ledger. During his spare time he is a baseball blogger at BaseballCrank.com.

McLaughlin has written at least a dozen or so insipid pro-Jindal pabulum-laden claptrap-filled columns, all of which could just as easily have been written by Timmy Teepell.

In his most recent contribution to National Review (the entire story is not contained at this link because I’m too cheap to subscribe), McLaughlin WRITES that “Jindal took on the enormous challenge of cutting government in a state that is culturally deep-red but economically populist, and he paid a great political cost for his efforts.”

Apparent, he wrote that garbage with a straight face.

There’s more from McLaughlin who wrote in an earlier column for RedState that Jindal was the BEST CANDIDATE for the Republican presidential nomination and that (get this) Jindal ruled in one of the presidential debates (never mind Jindal never got past the undercard debates in which all participants were weak also-runs).

McLaughlin wrote that Jindal’s low approval ratings “and the desperate wails of his Democratic successor over the condition of the state’s budget seem to support” the view that Jindal left the state in financial disarray.

Seriously? McLaughlin conveniently overlooks the fact that the “view” that Jindal’s leaving the state in disastrous shape took shape long before John Bel Edwards and long before Jindal abandoned his post for his delusional pursuit of the presidency.

McLaughlin made no mention of Jindal’s administration coming up with a contract to give away two of the state’s learning hospitals that contained 50 blank pages.

He ignores the matter of how Jindal doled out plum board and commission positions to big contributors to his campaign, how he rolled over anyone who disagreed with him by either firing or demoting them, how he took tainted campaign contributions from felons and refused to return the money, or how he gutted the reserve fund of the Office of Group Benefits in order to try to close gaping budget deficits that occurred every single year of his governorship.

“The path to smaller government requires persistence, backbone, and a willingness to accept compromises and a lot of defeats,” he wrote.

Correction, Mr. McLaughlin: the path to Bobby Jindal’s version of smaller government requires ruthlessness, vindictiveness, and unparalleled selfishness.

While one might justifiably think that Jindal’s political career is dead and buried, is it even remotely possible that he might be plotting a comeback?

Already, there are the first rumblings that Jindal is eying the 2019 gubernatorial campaign.

Just in case, perhaps someone should send McLaughlin a copy of my book, Bobby Jindal: His Destiny and Obsession. Not that he would change his mind, but at least he would have no excuse for not knowing.

And just in case you’ve not ordered your copy yet, click on the image of the book at upper right and place your order immediately.

Nearly 60 years ago, back in 1958 when the LSU Chinese Bandits, the Go Team and the White Team won their first national championship and the Baltimore Colts won the NFL championship in the league’s first sudden death overtime, the game was a little different. There were only 12 NFL teams back then and it was common for players to play both on offense and defense. All-pro quarterback Sammy Baugh also played defensive back and punted.

George Blanda was a quarterback who played an astounding 27 years and who completed 1,911 passes for 236 touchdowns before the NFL evolved into the current pass-oriented game. He also made 335 of 639 field goal attempts and 943 extra points—again before soccer-style kickers revolutionized the kicking game.

Cleveland Browns offensive tackle Lou Groza was the league’s first preeminent place kicker. A Baltimore kicker, Bert Rechicar, also played on the offensive line and for years held the NFL record for the longest field goal of 54 years until it was broken by New Orleans Saints kicker Tom Dempsey’s 63-yarder against Detroit in old Tulane Stadium.

There were no multi-million contracts for mediocre players or for the stars, for that matter. John Unitas laid floor tile in the off-season and Colts punter David Lee worked in a Ruston bank. Times were tough and the players tougher and playoff money was a motivation for players who needed the money.

The old-school players had nothing but contempt for the kicking specialist. Detroit Lion Alex Karras once described how players beat each other’s brains out until finally, on fourth down, “they send in some little guy about five-foot-six who can’t speak English (he was referring to Garo Yepremian) and he comes into the huddle in his clean uniform and says, ‘I’m going to keek a touchdown.’”

Football in those days was played on grass and some of the fields, like Yankee Stadium doubled as baseball fields. Sometimes during games, plays were run on the dirt infield. There was no artificial turf and no instant replay to slow the game down. There was no such thing as face mask penalties because… well, helmets had no face masks to protect teeth, eyes and noses. Remember that classic photo of Y.A. Tittle on his knees in Yankee Stadium with blood running down his face?

y-a-tittle

Later, players like Dion Sanders would take themselves out of the game because of something called turf toe.

All of which brings me to my point. Back then, there were only five football bowl games—the Rose, Cotton, Orange, Sugar and to a lesser extent, the Tangerine (if memory serves, the Liberty Bowl in Memphis was one of the first of the new wave of games). When teams were chosen for one of those bowls, it meant something. It actually mattered. They had stellar seasons.

Besides, there were only three networks back then and the third, ABC was generally left out as CBS and NBC grabbed the bowls.

In 1969, LSU, coached by Charles McClendon, put together an outstanding 9-1 record, losing by only three points to Archie Manning and Ole Miss. McClendon jockeyed for a trip to Dallas and the Cotton Bowl to play number-one Texas. But when Notre Dame (8-1-1) decided to end a 45-year moratorium on playing in bowls, it was the Fighting Irish who went to Dallas and LSU spent New Year’s at home, smarting from an idiotic snub.

That would never happen today. Not with the proliferation of meaningless bowl games now scattered across the horizon.

At last count there were no fewer than 40 bowl games. If a team wins six games, it is considered “bowl eligible.” And sometimes a team doesn’t even have to break even to go bowling.

As Mike Tyson would say, it’s ludicrous. Bowl games have become the equivalent of the participation trophy. Show up, stay off probation, beat up on six hapless opponents and you get to play in some half-empty stadium in a televised game called by a couple of second rate announcers who know nothing—and care less—about the teams other than what they read a few days before the game and who, when the game gets out of control, resort to meaningless blather that has nothing to do with the game.

Finally, announcers, out of sheer boredom, begin to talk of how such and such player will be “playing on Sundays next year,” or “will shine at the next level.”

A cursory check of the bowl lineup reveals that there will be 20 teams in those 40 bowls who failed to achieve a winning record. That’s half the teams playing, folks and some of ‘em are paired against each other. Even worse, only 17 of those 20 teams won the requisite six game. The other three, two with 5-7 records and one with a 6-7 record, must’ve won a conference championship game or were selected when the selection committee just flat ran out of eligible teams.

I mean, do you really want to spend three hours watching Miami of Ohio (6-6) play Mississippi State (5-7) in something called the St. Petersburg Bowl?

How about Army (6-5) vs. North Texas State (5-7) in the Heart of Dallas Bowl? Death by Boredom Bowl would be more like it.

Here’s a real thriller match-up that’s certain to leave you breathless: North Carolina State (6-6) vs. Vanderbilt (6-6) in Shreveport’s Independence Bowl.

At least, Middle Tennessee State (8-4) will take a winning record when it goes up against Hawaii (5-7) in the prestigious Hawaii Bowl.

And be sure to check all those games out for all the people in the stands disguised as empty seats. Of course, the networks make every effort to keep the cameras off the stands in those games.

Crowd cheering? More likely if you listen closely, you may actually pick up snippets of individual conversations in the stands.

I’m sorry, folks, but a team without a winning record does not deserve to be in a bowl game. Bowl games are supposed to be a reward for an outstanding season—for actually accomplishing something. Sadly, though, they’ve become TV filler (like the cream in a Twinkie) for the glut of networks or simply a vehicle for corporate sponsorship.

And don’t even get me started on all those corporate-sponsored bowl games. Some of those are difficult to say with a straight face.

There’s the Famous Idaho Potato Bowl in Boise with Idaho (8-4) pitted against Colorado State (7-5). (You want your potato fully loaded?)

And there is the Dollar General Bowl in Mobile between Ohio (8-5) and Troy (9-3). (I wonder if tickets to that heart-stopper really are just a dollar.)

The Independence Bowl was once the Poulan Weed Eater Bowl, if you can believe that. That lasted for six years until the sponsors got weary of its being called the “Weedwhacker Bowl.”

This bowl season, we will be treated to (or have been in the past) the Nokia Sugar Bowl (now the Allstate Sugar Bowl), the Belk Bowl, the Foster Farms Bowl, the Russell Athletic Bowl, the Taxslayer Bowl, the Outback Bowl, the Quick Lane Bowl, the GoDaddy.com Bowl, the Bacardi Bowl, the Meineke Car Care Bowl, the uDrove Humanitarian Bowl, the Salad Bowl (seriously), the Little Caesar’s Pizza Bowl (officials wore all white uniforms under Little Caesar orange and white vests—no striped zebra uniforms for these guys), the Chick-Fil-A Bowl (at least no one was required to dress like those black and white cows in Chick-Fil-A’s TV ads), and the Olive Garden Bowl.

With only 80 of the 128 Division I NCAA football teams playing in those 40 games this year (not counting, of course the three national championship playoff games involving Alabama, Michigan State, Oklahoma and Clemson), there’s bound to be an opening for at least one more corporate-sponsored bowl game.

And I’ve got just the name and sponsor:

The Kohler Toilet Bowl to be played in Flushing New York.

Image result for football toilet bowl

LouisianaVoice’s disdain for the State Ethics Board has been no secret since Bobby Jindal gutted the board’s power only days after taking office in 2008, causing the board’s membership to resign as a group.

But even the toothless Ethics Board did what Natchitoches attorney Taylor Townsend, paid thousands of taxpayer dollars to conduct an investigation, could not do, according to a Thursday (December 8) newsletter from none other than the Louisiana State Troopers Association (LSTA).

Almost a year to the day after LouisianaVoice broke the STORY on December 9, 2015, of illegal campaign contributions made by LSTA through its executive director and lobbyist David Young, the Ethics Board imposed a $5,000 fine on LSTA for its clumsy manner of funneling more than $45,000 in campaign contributions to various candidates over a period of several years.

LSTA is a tax-exempt organization and is allowed to make political contributions but the manner in which it did so has raised major legal issues and may even have prompted a federal investigation, LouisianaVoice also learned.

While the Ethics Commission has yet to issue a formal announcement of the fine, word was received via a newsletter sent to LSTA members.

At the same time, word was learned for the first time of a federal investigation of LSTA, presumably also over the association’s method of making the prohibited contributions. In the paragraph immediately below word of the fine the newsletter said: “Federal Grand Jury—Nothing new to report.”

The newsletter also announced for the first time the troop-by-troop vote to oust four retired troopers who lodged the initial complaint about the political contributions:

Louisiana Board of Ethics complaint – The Ethics Board has completed its investigation and has ruled against the LSTA. The LSTA was fined $5,000.00 on how political contributions were made in the past.

Federal Grand Jury – Nothing new to report.

Troop A made a motion to remove LSTA members (REDACTED), Blaine Matte, Leon “Bucky” Millet, and Tanny Devillier and for each member to be voted on separately. Troop L seconded the motion.

  • (REDACTED TO PROTECT RETIREE): Troops B & C voted no, Troops A, D, E, F, G, L, & HQ voted yes. (Troop I and the Retiree Representative were absent for the board meeting) Motion passed 7-2.
  • Leon “Bucky” Millet: Troops B & C voted no, Troop E Abstained from voting, Troops A, D, F, G, L, & HQ voted yes. Motion passed 6-2.
  • Tanny Devillier: Troops B & C voted no, Troop E Abstained from voting, Troops A, D, F, G, L, & HQ voted yes. Motion passed 6-2.
  • Blaine Matte: Troops B & C voted no, Troop E Abstained from voting, Troops A. D, F, G, L, & HQ voted yes. Motion passed 6-2.

A letter will be sent to all four members who have been removed from the organization advising of such.

The cowardly action to revoke the membership of the four troopers who served honorably only serves to underscore LSTA’s determination to:

  • Silence the voice of dissenting opinion within the organization, a course that flies in the face of the law enforcement organization’s oath to protect the rights of citizens, including the First Amendment right of free speech;
  • Throw a cloak of secrecy over LSTA’s agenda and its actions;
  • Facilitate the transformation of LSTA’s mission from a benevolent organization to one with significant political clout.

LSTA laundered the political contributions by having Young write personal checks to candidates, including more than $10,000 each to Bobby Jindal and John Bel Edwards. Young would then submit an invoice for “expenses” equal to the amount of the contributions so as to conceal the true source of the campaign contributions—LSTA members who are active and retired state troopers but who are prohibited by law to engage in political activity.

Upon learning how the contributions were laundered through Young’s personal bank account, Edwards returned his contribution but Jindal apparently did not.

Young subsequently admitted to the Louisiana State Police Commission (LSPC), the state police equivalent to the State Civil Service Board, but which has oversight only of state police, that the method was employed as a means of circumventing state law which prohibits political activity by individual state troopers.

LSPC eventually voted to retain former State Senator Townsend, now a private attorney in Natchitoches, to conduct an investigation of the contributions and to report back to the commission. Instead, after a cursory investigation, Townsend declined to submit a written report and recommended verbally that no action be taken.

His failure to find enough evidence against individual members of (LSTA) was nothing short of a shameful whitewash, given the thousands of dollars the questionable investigation cost Louisiana taxpayers.

When LouisianaVoice made a public records request for Townsend’s report and a copy of a key audio recording of a meeting of one of the affiliate members of LSTA at which it was openly admitted that the organization had “violated the law,” Townsend responded that there was no report and that the recording was “never entered into evidence,” and therefore was not a public record.

Because of the manner in which Townsend’s “investigation” received such superficial treatment, skeptics immediately speculated that the probe was quashed from a higher authority, possibly by Edwards himself. State Police Superintendent Mike Edmonson, who is closely allied with the LSTA leadership, was reappointed by Edwards who in turn, is closely tied to Townsend.

But the sham of an investigation by Townsend takes on even more significance in light of the message sent by the Ethics Commission’s action and raises serious questions about the wisdom of engaging an ally of the governor for such a politically explosive matter as illegal contributions.

The Louisiana Office of Inspector General spent more than twice as much on attending conferences and conventions for fiscal years 2012-2016 than it did on travel for investigating public corruption, the job it is charged by statute with doing, according to RECORDS obtained by LouisianaVoice.

A former investigator for the OIG, which has experienced unusually high turnover among its investigative agents, said Inspector General Stephen Street was always “very secretive” about revealing the agency’s budget to subordinates. “He never let us see any of the agency’s finances,” the former investigator said.

By combining the yearly budgets, the totals reflect that OIG had a five-year budget of $45,475 for all (in-state and out-of-state) field (investigative) travel compared to a combined budget for all convention and conference travel of  $75,450, a difference of almost $30,000.

Five-year expenditures for both field travel and conference and convention travel fell well below the respective figures budgeted but conference and convention travel expenditures of $63,735 were more than double the $30,011 spent on investigating reports of wrongdoing by public officials.

By breaking the budgets down to expenditures for only in-state field travel and out-of-state conferences and conventions, the contrast was even more glaring.

Only $11,200 of a total budget of $30,315 was spent on in-state field travel for the five years (an average of $2,240 per year) while the $52,535 spent on out-of-state conferences and conventions ($10,509 per year) exceeded its $42,135 total budget for that purpose by nearly 25 percent.

In looking at yearly budget line items, Street’s office exceeded its budget for out-of-state conferences and conventions by 50 percent in 2013 and by 68 percent the following year.

The budget for travel to out-of-state conferences and conventions was $10,210 for each of those years but in fiscal year 2013, Street’s office spent $15,350 and spent even more—$17,181—in fiscal 2014 on non-investigation related out-of-state travel

Also for both 2013 and 2014, the OIG’s budget for in-state field travel was $11,933 but the agency spent only $2,811 in 2013 and $4,447 in 2014 for that purpose.

TRAVEL RECORDS provided by the OIG’s office show that beginning in August 2012, Street, often accompanied by as many as three or four other OIG personnel traveled on the state dime to such places as West Palm Beach, Clearwater, Destin and Jacksonville, Florida; Austin and San Antonio, Texas, Los Angeles, Las Vegas, Boston, Detroit, Memphis, Baltimore, Charlotte, Washington, D.C., Sioux Falls, South Dakota, and Newark, New Jersey.

Of those 22 trips taken by Street and OIG staff members, five (taken by someone other than Street) were described as “investigation related.” All the others were said to have been for training or for Association of Inspectors General (AIG) functions.

Street is the AIG national president and also serves as an adjunct instructor for the National White Collar Crime Center and the Inspector General Investigator Academy. “Whenever I teach for those organizations,” he said, “they cover 100 percent of travel and lodging.”

Still, at the end of the day, one has to wonder how an agency charged with investigating public corruption in a state so riddled with public corruption as Louisiana can possibly justify racking up expenditures for out-of-state convention and conference travel that more than doubles that spent on in-state investigative travel.

But then again, we may have answered our own rhetorical question with that “so riddled with public corruption as Louisiana” line.

Tommy Teague has been un-teagued.

Put another way, he’s back.

Tommy Teague, who was rewarded by Bobby Jindal for taking the Office of Group Benefits (OGB) from an underfunded program to one with half-a-billion dollars in reserve funds in five years. Bobby Jindal rewarded him for his performance by firing him. But he has been BROUGHT BACK to lead the agency that provides health coverage for about 230,000 state employees, retirees and dependents.

Because Jindal had also fired Teague’s wife, the late Melody Teague, only a few months earlier, the term “teagued” was soon applied to any employee or legislator who was fired or demoted by Jindal for disagreeing with or voting against any of the administration’s proposals, most of which proved detrimental or outright disastrous for the state.

Melody Teague got her job back but only after being forced to go through the Civil Service appeal process. Now, Tommy Teague has his old job back, albeit nearly seven years later.

Commissioner of Administration Jay Dardenne announced that Teague will assume his new duties as OGB chief executive officer (CEO) on Monday, Dec. 12.

“Tommy Teague brings years of valuable experience to the helm of Group Benefits,” Dardenne said. “He has a proven record of success in the agency, and I am pleased he has agreed to return to this post.”

Teague previously served as the agency’s CEO from 2006 to 2011. He was in good standing with what passed as the Jindal administration until April 15, 2011. But when he failed to display sufficient enthusiasm for Jindal’s privatization proposal for the agency, then-Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater unceremoniously showed him the door.

OGM subsequently went through a succession of CEOs until Susan West took over and put her own stamp on the agency. That stamp included decreasing/increasing premiums, decreasing benefits and firing employees. Jindal, meanwhile, in what seemed to be an inexplicable move at the time, went against consultants’ recommendations and reduced premiums.

But there turned out to be a method to his madness. Because the state is on the hook for 75 percent of the premiums of employees, by reducing premiums, the obligations of the state were also reduced accordingly. Jindal then took the difference in what the state previously paid and the lower rate and used that money to help plug his annual budget deficits.

But by doing that, the reserve fund began to be diminished dramatically as income from premiums failed to keep up with payments of benefits. In no time, the reserve fund was gutted by about 80 percent until less than $100 million remained before Kristy Nichols, Rainwater’s successor, and West began tampering with the system by increasing premiums and cutting benefits.

A spokesman for Dardenne’s office said on Wednesday that West was leaving the agency, but he said he did not know what her plans were.

“I am anxious to return to work and look forward to serving the state again,” Teague said. “I am confident my previous experience will benefit the office.”

In addition to his prior stint as Group Benefits CEO, Teague served as executive vice president and chief operating officer of Louisiana Health Cooperative and executive director of the Pennsylvania Employees Benefit Trust Fund.

TGTB (Thank God Tommy’s Back).