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“Look, having nuclear—my uncle was a great professor and scientist  and engineer, Dr. John Trump at MIT; good genes, very good genes, OK, very smart, the Wharton School of Finance, very good, very smart —you know, if you’re a conservative Republican, if I were a liberal, if, like, OK, if I ran as a liberal Democrat, they would say I’m one of the smartest people anywhere in the world—it’s true!—but when you’re a conservative Republican they try—oh, do they do a number—that’s why I always start off: Went to Wharton, was a good student, went there, went there, did this, built a fortune—you know I have to give my like credentials all the time, because we’re a little disadvantaged—but you look at the nuclear deal, the thing that really bothers me—it would have been so easy, and it’s not as important as these lives are (nuclear is powerful; my uncle explained that to me many, many years ago, the power and that was 35 years ago; he would explain the power of what’s going to happen and he was right—who would have thought?), but when you look at what’s going on with the four prisoners—now it used to be three, now it’s four—but when it was three and even now, I would have said it’s all in the messenger; fellas, and it is fellas because, you know, they don’t, they haven’t figured that the women are smarter right now than the men, so, you know, it’s gonna take them about another 150 years—but the Persians are great negotiators, the Iranians  are great negotiators, so, and they, they just killed, they just killed us.”

—Donald Trump, apparently off his meds, in a July 2016 campaign speech in South Carolina.

First, it was the issue of homeowner insurance deductibles. Time was, a homeowner could opt for deductibles of $500, $1,000, or just about any other amount s/he chose and that deductible would apply across the board for damages.

But then the insurance companies, already flush with cash, decided it would be better for their shareholders if the deductible for “named storms” would be a tad higher—like 10 percent of the home’s appraised value. Hence, a home appraised at $150,000 (about the median appraisal) would be smacked with a $15,000 deductible for damage from a “named storm.”

And, bear in mind, that is wind damage only. Flood damage is an entirely different issue and those premiums are projected to soar out of sight and out of affordability for many homeowners.

And where was our Department of Insurance when Allstate, State Farm, Progressive, et al, came up with this beautiful scheme?

Strangely silent.

And where was our Department of Insurance when Allstate and State Farm battled with stressed-out homeowners over whether damage was from rising or falling water, forcing many homeowners to either settle in for years-long battles or to settle for pennies on the dollar?

Strangely silent.

And in 2018, when the Louisiana Legislature approved a resolution directing the Department of Insurance to “establish a task force to conduct a comprehensive study of the commercial bail bond industry as a whole and make recommendations for proposed legislation and policy changes to more effectively serve the residents of Louisiana,” what was the result?

A public records request to the Department of Insurance earlier this month produced this response from John Tobler, deputy commissioner of Public Affairs:

“Two meetings were held by our staff, taskforce members, members of the public and other bail bond industry stakeholders on September 27, 2018 and November 15, 2018. Additionally, no recommendations were made by the group for forwarding to the Legislature.”

So, in response to a unanimous resolution from both the House and Senate, the Department of Insurance was, for all practical purposes, strangely silent.

So now, Baton Rouge Advocate Capitol Bureau Chief Mark Ballard informs us that Louisiana Insurance Commissioner Jim Donelon is “okay” with the fact that insurers may pop widows with higher rates for automobile insurance for no other reason than the fact they are now single.

“The truth is that single women pay higher premiums than married women because of actuarial data that’s used in every of the 50 states,” Ballard quotes Donelon as saying. “It doesn’t matter if you’re a teenager, a single woman or if you’re a widow or if you’re a divorcee.”

Then he added, “I don’t know if that is true on the male side.”

Where is an insurance commissioner who will fight for his constituency?

To read the full text of Ballard’s story, click HERE.

I have tried—without success—to understand how Mrs. Smith is somehow a greater risk on our streets and highways now that her husband is no longer with us. She is the same person she was a week before his death. Mrs. Jones, who just got a divorce, might be an angry driver, depending on the reasons for the marriage failure, but I just don’t buy the theory that she’s a greater menace as a driver now than she was last year. Lest I be accused of gender bias, My position for widowers and divorced males is the same.

At least three bills have been pre-filed for the upcoming legislative session that would address the problem of rate discrimination against widows and divorcees. It remains to be seen if any of those bills will make their way to the governor’s desk.

Donelon’s acquiescence to the dictates of the insurance industry is not difficult to understand. While he’s elected by voters to represent the interests of the citizens of Louisiana, his political campaigns have been financed in large part by contributions from INSURANCE INDUSTRY INTERESTS.

And therein lies the problem.

I’ve said it before and I would reiterate that no public regulator should be allowed to accept contributions from the industry he or she regulates.

The attorney general accepts the bulk of his contributions from attorneys. That applies not only to Jeff Landry, the current AG, but to a long string of predecessors, as well.

Then there are judges—from local municipal judges all the way up to the Louisiana Supreme Court—who receive the majority of their campaign contributions from—you guessed it—lawyers, lawyers of all stripes: corporate, tax, trial, defense and family counselors. The only exceptions are federal judges, who are appointed.

What’s the solution? Normally, one might suggest making judges, the attorney general and insurance commissioner appointive positions. But one must remember, we’re in Louisiana and that seems to necessarily mean that appointees will be campaign contributors as well. Their donations will instead be directed further up the food chain, i.e. the governor.

And governors traditionally pay scant attention to qualifications when doling out appointments to boards and commissions and even some agency and departmental heads.

So, why would attorneys general, judges, and insurance commissioners be any different?

Meanwhile, the citizens of Louisiana continue to be under-represented by the Louisiana Department of Insurance.

 

“I think probably there, I would imagine that there’s probably a gun in the school to protect from potential grizzlies.”

—Donald Trump’s Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, on why teachers should be armed, January 2017.

There are so many ways a public agency can waste your taxpayer dollars. Some are out there for everyone to see like when contracts are awarded to a favored vendor even though that vendor didn’t have the low bid.

Or when a contractor is paid $175 per 100-square-foot tarps on rooftops in New Orleans following Hurricane Katrina only to have the contractor (Shaw Group) subcontract the work to A-1 Construction for $75 a square and to have A-1 hire a second subcontractor, Westcon Construction at $30 per square, who finally pays workers $2 per square.

Other times, the waste is concealed from view and without someone doing a little digging, no one ever knows how thousands or dollars are frittered away by bureaucrats who nothing better to do than to quietly spread the spoils around among the politically-connected.

So it was in March of last year that Southern University’s Grievance Committee held hearings on the appeals of four professors who had been terminated. When the four professors indicated that they wanted the hearing to be in open meeting as opposed to executive session, their request was rejected out of hand.

The state’s open meetings law [R.S. 42:14 (A), (B), and (C)] allows for all personnel matters to be discussed [without any official vote being taken] in executive session unless the employee(s) being discussed requests that discussion be held in open session. Such request by the employee(s) would supersede any move for executive session.

But the Grievance Committee’s chairperson announced—without benefit of a public vote by the committee [also a violation of the open meetings statute] that a private vote had been conducted prior to the convening of the committee meeting at which it was decided to hold the executive session to discuss the professors’ grievance.

I was there to cover the hearing and the four professors and I promptly filed suit against Southern for violation of the open meetings law. The trial was held in 19th Judicial District Court in Baton Rouge.

Southern presented the unique argument that the school’s grievance committee was not a public body—even though every member was an employee of Southern and the committee was acting on behalf of Southern’s administration. Unique indeed.

Even more bizarre, Southern attorney Winston DeCuir, Jr., in his cross-examination of yours truly, tried to question my right to be a party to the suit by asking how many other events I’d covered for LouisianaVoice at Southern. The answer was none—as if that had any legal bearing on the matter at hand. He then asked why I picked that hearing to cover and I replied truthfully that I had been alerted that the hearing might produce an interesting story for LouisianaVoice.

The presiding judge had little problem in ruling for the four professors and yours truly, awarding a total of $5,000 ($1,000 per plaintiff), plus attorney fees and court costs. So, counting the award, court costs and attorney fees, we’re already looking at something approaching $8,000-$10,000 all because DeCuir did not provide proper legal counsel to the committee when it decided to break the law. [He was there and should have advised the committee that it was treading on thin legal ice.]

But Southern wasn’t finished. Rather than cut its losses and pony up the money, DeCuir appealed to the First Circuit Court of Appeal. Nothing like throwing good money after bad.

In January, the FIRST CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEAL handed down its decision. The lower court’s decision was upheld without a dissenting opinion. Unanimous, in other words.

Moreover, the First Circuit assessed additional attorney fees of $1,400 and additional court costs of $1,804. And that’s not counting what DeCuir will bill the university for his solid legal advice.

So, Southern learned its lesson, right?

Not quite.

At DeCuir’s advice, the university has now taken writs to the Louisiana State Supreme Court—all to argue that Southern University and its Grievance Committee are not public bodies.

Your tax dollars at work. Not a lot of money in the overall scheme of things, but an example how quixotic legal battles by state agencies make thousands upon thousands of dollars disappear into contract attorneys’ bank accounts.

Which also raises another question: Can defense attorneys always be counted on to give the best advice to clients when that advice might conflict with the attorney’s financial advantage of keeping the meter running?

 

(Today’s installment of Notable Quotables is dedicated especially to those of you who accuse me of bias against Donald Trump. You have called me and those who offer their comments traitors, haters, socialists and even communists, which I find rather ironic given Trump’s infatuation with Putin. Today’s Notable Quotable is provided to show that bias and hatred is not limited to the so-called “Never Trumpers.”):

“So I’m thinking of replying to the guy, ‘Okay, I’ll send you a response…I hope he fails.”

“I would be honored if the Drive-By Media headlined me all day long: ‘Limbaugh: I hope Obama fails.’ Somebody’s gotta say it.”

—Rush Limbaugh, recent recipient of the Congressional Medal of Freedom (a symbol of patriotism and devotion to American ideals, ostensibly awarded for “especially meritorious contribution to the security or national interests of the United States, world peace, cultural or other significant public or private endeavors”), on Barack Obama becoming president, Jan. 16, 2009.

(And before Fairness, Outlaw or Zoe jump in, let’s be perfectly clear: No one here has ever once said he or she wanted Trump to fail. Not once.)