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Archive for the ‘Governor’s Office’ Category

Editor’s note: We occasionally like to showcase the writing skills of guest columnists. Judith Howard is a regular columnist for the Morning Paper of Ruston. She has written a thought-provoking piece on the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and we are proud to have her essay grace our blog.

By Judith Howard

A year ago when newly elected governors in Wisconsin (Scott Walker), Ohio (John Kasich), Florida (Rick Scott), and Michigan (Rick Synder) simultaneously began their war on workers by trying to destroy collective bargaining, I thought this must have been a plan hatched at some national Republican meeting after the 2010 elections.

I thought the same thing about these Republican governors, including our own, when they started pushing the privatization of education and prisons. With a $500 million surplus, the Louisiana state office that administers health insurance is a gem Jindal can’t wait to sell, even though it will result in higher premiums for state retirees and workers.

I was half right and half wrong about the origin of these parallel Republican initiatives. The sponsor was the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). This organization describes itself thusly: “With more than 2,000 members, ALEC is the nation’s largest, non-partisan, individual public-private membership association of state legislators.”

So I was right in that it was a coordinated attack, but I was wrong that it must the Republican National Committee pushing this stuff. ALEC is, however, overwhelmingly Republican.

ALEC says it is interested in the conservative principles of free markets (translated—unregulated markets), limited government (translated–except in private affairs like family planning and how you die), and federalism (translated–state governments are cheaper to buy and control. You know, divide and conquer). It touts its benefit to private members this way:

“One of ALEC’s greatest strengths is the public-private partnership. ALEC provides the private sector with an unparalleled opportunity to have its voice heard, and its perspective appreciated, by the legislative members.” (Emphasis mine.)

Appreciated, indeed. ALEC develops model legislation that its legislative members take to their respective states. This way, it gives the public the impression that these ideas have widespread support across the country, and that said support just popped up independently.

Dues for corporations are $7,000, $12,000 or $25,000 depending on the membership level. The Koch Brothers, David and Charles, long-time drivers of ALEC are members at the $25,000 level. For the return they get on that minimal investment through legislation written by ALEC, you gotta figure these are pretty cheap dues.

Koch Industries, the second largest privately held business in the U.S., reports annual revenues of 100 billion dollars. For David and Charles, $25,000 is pocket change.

Dues for state legislators are just $100 for a two-year membership. There is no list of legislative members on the ALEC website, but the organization boasts that 1/3 of all legislators are members.

If legislators pay dues from their campaign funds rather than out of their pocket, it’s possible to find out which legislators are ALEC members.

Hollis Downs, for example, was a member of ALEC.

Each year ALEC legislative members in their respective states introduce about 1000 pieces of legislation, and estimates about 20% gets passed into law. Do you think legislators advertise that these legislative proposals were written by ALEC?

Of course not. It’s as if this legislation originated in their own minds as they contemplated what would be in the interests of the public they purport to serve. Who writes our legislation and who benefits from it should be public knowledge, especially when those two happen to be one and the same. As it stands now, ALEC is able to keep its fingerprints off laws that roll back environmental protection in order to increase energy company profits, roll back union rights for the same reason, and roll back voting rights in order to get more corporate-sponsored Republicans elected.

I should say are USUALLY able to keep their fingerprints off legislation. In November, Florida Rep. Rachel Burgin introduced a bill to reduce corporate taxes. She made the embarrassing mistake of using the model bill written by ALEC’s Tax and Fiscal Policy Task Force rather than changing the wording a little.

Rep. Burgin forgot to delete the following from the bill: “WHEREAS, it is the mission of the American Legislative Exchange Council to advance Jeffersonian principles of free markets, limited government, federalism, and individual liberty.” Oops.

So when you hear the constant drumbeat of privatizing public services like education and prisons, demolishing EPA regulations, initiating voter ID laws, destroying collective bargaining, remember where these ideas originated–ALEC. The reasons given for the need to do these things are not the real reason behind the push to do them.

To take just the first of these issues–why, you ask, is the Koch brothers-backed effort to privatize education such a priority? Well, I’m glad you asked. That effort has an interesting history.

Charles and David Koch’s father’s name was Fred. Ol’ Fred ranted and raved that public school books were filled with communist propaganda. His paranoia about communist infiltration extended to President Eisenhower, the Supreme Court, and the national teacher’s union. That man hated him some unions!

I suspect the Koch paranoia about public education and union hatred stems from Daddy Fred’s deranged mind. Plus, there is money to be made by privatizing schools, so what’s not to like? Of course the home schooling movement also fears that teachers might indoctrinate their kids with science, so there’s that too.

When David Koch ran for VP on the Libertarian Ticket in 1980, he pushed the idea of tax credits to encourage alternatives to public education. Over 30 years later, he’s still pushing for taxpayers to pay for private schools.

So what is the strategic goal in the legislation ALEC advocates for and that Republican governors push? Think about it.

They want to control what’s taught in schools (the Kochs now fund university departments IF they get to approve the professors and the content of the courses). They want to teach the scripture of unfettered capitalism, where unions are socialist Satans instead of being a countervailing force to corporate power.

It’s important to break up unions since they fund primarily Democratic candidates while corporations fund primarily Republican candidates. Disregard any noise about the need to break up public unions because of budgetary problems. That’s merely a convenient ruse.

As long as plutocrats can pit poor whites against blacks, blacks against Latinos, and private workers against public workers, that animosity keeps our attention off the real problem–corporate ownership of government.

The EPA is a favorite whipping boy for ALEC, and they are going berserk over the new consumer protection bureau. Heaven forbid that anybody in government look out for the interests of the little guy.

Until the sudden rush to crush unions by new Republican governors last January, I had never heard of ALEC. My colleague, Tom Aswell, wrote a column about ALEC sometime last year, but my guess is most Americans haven’t heard of the organization either.

Yet for 40 years about 300 of the largest corporations like Koch Industries, Exxon, Centerpoint, Verizon, AT&T, Bank of America, State Farm, Blue Cross, Pfizer, and Walmart have used ALEC to push legislation written by themselves to benefit themselves, but put forth by legislators. Local company Hunt-Guillot is also a member.

I envision ALEC as something like a computer virus, stealthily infecting our political system without our knowledge. We notice things slowing down as it spreads behind the scenes until, like a computer, our politics cease to function.

As if there weren’t already enough corporate influence in government, the Supreme Court two years ago allowed unlimited money into the political system with their Citizens United decision. Super Pacs will probably spend more money than political parties in this year’s election.

As someone once said, “Legislators ought to wear logos like NASCAR drivers so everyone would know who sponsors them.”

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“It doesn’t raise taxes on businesses and families. It’s a strong reform budget. We’re going to continue to reduce the size of state government.”

–Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater, on the executive budget to be presented to the Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget on Thursday.

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Is Gov. Bobby Jindal now trying to pit university and college presidents/faculty against state workers?

That certainly seemed to be the case on Wednesday when he dangled a $100 million carrot in front of state college system presidents (and certain legislators) in the form of a promise that state colleges would share an extra $100 million on the condition that lawmakers pass his radical state retirement system package during the upcoming legislative session.

The tactic represents a new low for the governor as he attempts to play on the fears of colleges and university presidents that their institutions would take large hits as the result of yet another anticipated budgetary shortfall of $900 million in what is becoming a somewhat tiring annual soap opera.

Jindal Chief of Staff Stephen Waguespack said the governor’s executive budget unveiled to lawmakers on Thursday would keep higher education funding at its present level in the 2012-13 fiscal year beginning July 1.

In a brazen attempt at outright bribery, Waguespack told the higher education officials that if the legislature approves Jindal’s proposal to overhaul the retirement system for thousands of state employees, the $100 million saved through cheaper retirement costs at universities would stay with the campuses and would not be used to stop cuts elsewhere in state government.

To that, we would add these words of caution to the university presidents: be careful, it’s a political promise and political promises have a habit of evaporating like yesterday’s cheap aftershave.

Jindal’s suggestion is calculated to build support for his proposed retirement changes among legislators with colleges in their districts. Those changes would, if approved, increase rank-and-file state employee contributions by 3 percent, shrink benefits and push back the age for collecting retirement payments. New state employees would be shifted from defined benefits to defined contributions similar to cheaper 401(k) type accounts.

Such an obvious ploy should be beneath a governor who purports to eschew politics as usual. And make no mistake, this is politics as usual: pure extortion of targeted legislators through anxious college presidents to garner votes necessary to pass a controversial legislative package.

It’s enough to make one sit back and ask, “What’s next?”

What tactic will the most ethical, most transparent, most accountable governor employ next to get his way in his efforts to push through an agenda aimed at destroying public education, slashing state employee retirement and health care benefits, privatizing state agencies and services and shoving thousands of dedicated state employees onto the unemployment rolls.

There may not be a lot of public sympathy out there for state employees, but these people are our neighbors, our relatives, our children’s teachers, and others who provide services across the civilian spectrum on a daily basis.

You may not care for the plight of state workers but they touch our lives each and every day, whether you know it or not.

Rest assured, Jindal has a much larger agenda than what is best for the State of Louisiana. His every move, every action, is carefully calculated to benefit businessmen and corporations who have a vested interest in privatization, who see profit in school vouchers and charter schools, who stand to gain financially by a relaxation of regulations special tax breaks, and who have invested in this governor’s political career.

It’s no accident that he has steadfastly, in the face of one fiscal crisis after another, year after year, refused to consider any increase in corporate taxes.

Jindal hopes those corporations have bigger plans for him.

And there’s your real carrot.

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“The report is privileged as part of the deliberative process and is exempt from disclosure.”

–Division of Administration attorney Paul Holmes, in his May 27 reponse to a public records request by LouisianaVoice in which he invoked the administration’s catch-all shield behind which it conceals information from the public.

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The long-awaited report by Morgan Keegan on the proposed fate of the Louisiana Office of Group Benefits (OGB) has been turned over to the Division of Administration, LouisianaVoice has learned.

LouisianaVoice has made a formal request under the Louisiana Public Records Laws for a copy of the Morgan Keegan report. That request was directed on Wednesday to Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater.

But don’t expect the report to be released willingly. Rainwater, in all probablity will fall back on the erroneous claim that, like the notorious Chaffe & Associates report of last year, it is exempt from the public records law “as part of the deliberative process.” Even that claim was made only after Rainwater’s first attempting to deny the existence of the Chaffe report. To say this administration is willing to bend the rules in order to protect its backside is being charitable.

The Morgan Keegan report is said to have included several options, two of which included the outright sale of OGB or turning the administration of the preferred provider organization (PPO) over to a third party administrator (TPA)—a move that would be accompanied by a massive layoff of OGB employees who presently process claims by state employees, retirees and dependents.

An earlier report, and the number cited by Rainwater last spring in testimony before the Louisiana Legislature, said that 149 OGB employees would be laid off.

That number now sits at 177.

The word of the layoffs comes only days after word of Jindal’s hiring of several former legislators and relatives of former chief of staff Timmy Teepell to high-level positions in his administration.

It was earlier reported by LouisianaVoice that the executive budget to be delivered to the Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget on Thursday would include a line item to sell OGB outright for $189 million but the Jindal administration later backed off on that option and chose the third party administrator instead.

Jindal was reported to have been only lukewarm to either proposal because, in his words, the state would still be “in the insurance business.”

Sources close to the administration said that Jindal has added yet another option: to do nothing in case of another widespread protest as was experienced when the administration first floated the idea of privatization the agency that has accrued a $500 million surplus while administering health care claims for state employees, retirees and dependents.

Rainwater fired former OGB director Tommy Teague last April after Teague did not fall in line quickly enough over the proposal to sell the agency. Afterwards, a firestorm of protests erupted across the state from state employees and retirees that resulted in Rainwater’s vacillating between selling OGB or contracting with a TPA.

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