While we have had no trouble unearthing double standards, misrepresentations, distortions and outright lies in our coverage of the Jindal administration, political campaigns often take the practice to a new level.
The mind-numbing campaign for the U.S. Senate comes to mind. At this point in the campaign, voters just wish Mary Landrieu and Bill Cassidy would both shut up and leave us alone. But those TV ads from both camps keep pounding away at us, each accusing the other of distortions, lies, misrepresentations, pro-this, and anti-that.
The comic strip Non Sequitur would well have been referencing either candidate with this submission:
Or it could have been alluding to the recently ramped-up campaign of 6th Congressional District candidate Garrett Graves, former chairman of the Louisiana Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority (CPRA) and director of the Governor’s Office of Coastal Activities, who only recently kicked off his media blitz.
Of course most observers are accustomed to grandiose promises.
For at least the past 20 years or so, the challenger in the Baton Rouge mayor-president’s election without fail has promised to improve public education in East Baton Rouge Parish—never mind the fact that the mayor’s office has absolutely nothing to do with the East Baton Rouge Parish School Board. Zero. Zilch. They are two entirely separate political entities.
And we’re all used to congressional candidates saying they are going to fight waste, work to improve infrastructure, and vote to defend the Constitution blah, blah, blah.
But Graves has taken the rhetoric to a new extreme. He has one TV spot running on the Baton Rouge in which he says not that he will “work to” or “vote to,” but that he “will” repeal Obamacare, he “will” cut spending, he “will” stop illegal immigration, and he “will” eliminate terrorism.
Those are pretty big promises, folks, and unless he’s Clark Kent in disguise, we just can’t see how one freshman tea party congressman can impose his will on 434 other members of the House and 100 senators, not all of whom are tea partiers.
And while we are on the subject of political rhetoric, there has been much said about U.S. Sen. Mary Landrieu’s ownership of an $800,000 home in Washington, D.C. while not owning a home outright in Louisiana (though she is part owner, along with her siblings, of her parents’ home in New Orleans).
But not a peep has been said about Graves’ 2005 purchase of a home at 210 11th Street SE in Washington, also appraised at more than $800,000. Nothing on his federal financial disclosure statement for Jan. 1, 2013 through July 15, 2014, indicates ownership of a home in Louisiana—not even part ownership of his father’s home—although he does list ownership of property in Gulf Shores, Alabama. And Graves has never been elected to any office, let alone one that demands his presence in Washington.
He apparently purchased the home during his tenure in Washington. He worked as a policy adviser to former U.S. Sen. John Breaux and U.S. Congressman Billy Tauzin and worked for the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee and the House Energy and Commerce Committee. He also served as staff director of the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Climate Change and Impacts. http://www.epa.gov/gcertf/bios/graves.html
Apparently he liked Washington well enough to plan on returning because he did not sell the home when he grabbed onto Gov. Bobby Jindal’s coattails in 2008 to head up CPRA at $135,000 per year through 2012. His salary was bumped up to $147,300 in 2013, according to his financial disclosure records.
Even though he left the state’s employ on February 28, his financial statement indicates he still received $52,961 in salary from the state this year and another $31,346 from Evans-Graves Engineers, the firm owned by his father, John Graves.
Graves flew pretty much under the radar until he became a high-profile opponent of the lawsuit filed by the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority-East against 97 oil and gas companies for damage to the state’s wetlands while at the same time carping at the U.S. Coast Guard for its failure to force BP to be more responsive to the Deepwater Horizon oil disaster. http://theadvocate.com/home/8290180-125/graves-to-step-down-from
His opposition to the lawsuit seeking to hold big oil responsible for the damage it has done to the state’s coastline for the past century notwithstanding, the real story of Garrett Graves is the awarding of more than $130 million in government contracts to his father’s engineering firm while he was head of CPRA, which oversees such contracts.
That figure represented an 1800 percent increase over contracts awarded to Evans-Graves for all years prior to Garrett Graves’ tenure at CPRA.
Some might call this old news, given the fact that Jeremy Alford first reported on this as far back as 2008. http://www.houmatoday.com/article/20080203/news/659908125
But the practice went unabated for years after his story and even more curious, when an ethics opinion was sought as to the propriety of the contracts, it was not the Louisiana Board of Ethics that was consulted, but attorney Jimmy Faircloth.
Faircloth, who was Jindal’s first executive counsel before running unsuccessfully for the Louisiana Supreme Court, has done extensive legal work for the administration, collecting fees in excess of $1 million defending losing positions that Jindal has championed.
But his issuing an ethics opinion in the case of Evans-Graves Engineering appears to have been a conflict in itself: Faircloth at the time was the legal counsel for Evans-Graves.
“As we discussed, Governor Jindal has asked that we disclose and commit to avoiding even the appearance of conflict,” Faircloth said in his opinion. “Thus, as we agreed, out of an abundance of caution, the appropriate solution is that your father’s company not pursue an interest in or receive any state contract that involves coastal restoration, levees or hurricane protection while you serve in the administration. This would explicitly include such contracts overseen by DOTD (Department of Transportation and Development) and DNR (Department of Natural Resources).”
Even though Garrett Graves in February of 2008 agreed to cease pursuing projects that could cause a conflict of interest, Evans-Graves kept receiving lucrative contracts from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, CPRA’s primary partner. And while Garrett Graves did not actually sign the contracts, his agency did set priorities for the state on corps-related work.
“I said from the beginning there was a potential conflict of interest, and apparently that fell on deaf ears,” said John Graves when the issue first arose more than six years ago. Jindal’s office professed to know nothing of the potential conflict.
And even though Garrett Graves was working for the state and his father’s company was receiving millions of dollars in contracts with the Corps of Engineers through Garrett Graves’ agency, Garrett Graves was given a Toyota Tundra truck by the elder graves in 2009, a clear violation of state ethics rules against state employees accepting gifts from vendors.
And while Evans-Graves was receiving millions of dollars in CPRA-approved contracts with the Corps of Engineers, Evans-Graves was subcontracting nearly $66.5 million in work to 18 construction and contract companies, compared to only $3.5 million prior to Garrett Graves’ appointment. Those 18 subcontractors have combined to contribute more than $250,000 to Graves’ congressional campaign.
Additionally, 11 of those 18 companies, along with corporate officers and family members, have combined to contribute nearly $316,000 to various political campaigns of Jindal.
Here is the list of subcontractors and the amounts they and/or their corporate officers and families contributed to Jindal:
- Daybrook Fisheries—$1,000;
- Industrial Specialty Contractors—$29,500;
- Bollinger Shipyards—$65,850;
- Major Equipment and Remediation—$50,000;
- Arkel Constructors—$4,500;
- Delta Launch Services—$11,000;
- Cajun Constructors—$52,000;
- Coastal Environments—$30,500;
- Performance Contractors—$41,500;
- H. Fenstermaker & Associates—$20,500;
JNB Operating—$5,000.
And now Garrett Graves just wants to move back into his $800,000 home in D.C.
Thanks Tom!
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I have been wondering how it is that he would be able to do all of those things that he claims he will do should he get to congress. Even if he has some sort of telepathic abilities he would be dealing with at least 200 folks without enough brains for his ability to be able to work.
His house in DC is a real eye-opener (not that I was going to vote for him anyway…I hate it when people tell you what they are going to do when you know that they have no way of doing that). I didn’t see the debate the other night. Did that get brought up?
Say it isn’t so! The gold standards of ethics people letting gazzillions in unethically let contracts and taking kickbacks from the contractors???? Surely you jest! Maybe they can have a reunion wearing prison orange.
Let’s see if we’ve got this right. Garrett Graves is running to represent Louisiana’s 6th Congressional district in the US House of representatives. But he doesn’t own a residence (as in domicile) in Louisiana. If he is living in housing provided by his father and his father is doing business with the State of Louisiana, then that is a forbidden conflict of interests.
Jimmy Faircloth did not recuse himself when asked to rule on the Graves family conflict of interest when clearly such a conflict existed. Shouldn’t Faircloth be disbarred—or at least sanctioned—for this act?
And so much more.
So one begs the question, where is the EBR DA, The La AG, and/or the US Attorney when all of these State and Federal laws are being broken? Are they all out campaigning for re-election?
This is a very informative article and good reporting but Garrett Graves is NOT A TEA PARTY CANDIDATE, He is to much of a “Republican Establishment” and “Washington Insider” to ever get their support. Graves did seek the Tea Party’s support but the Tea Party of La. not only refused to endorse him but endorsed another candidate instead.
You are correct. He did seek the tea party endorsement but that endorsement went instead to Lenar Whitney.
Thanks for the clarification.
The Federal campaign laws cover congressional races. So you can forget it. Saint Vitter was at the McCain visit for Cassidy and to use a double whammy, the La. Department of Veteran Affairs hosted the event, or at least brought in some vets, republican only, wouldn’t let us in. Vitter and Jindal are deadly when it comes to “protecting” the vets until they can get that huge book of insurance for VA health care. Remember the fake hearings about vet scandals? Just a prelude to get some curative legislation passed so they do not have to pay for McCain drumming up support for Cassidy. Sure glad St.Vitter did his homework and won’t spend any money and of course, he is staying out of that race. Enron East should include the shenigans going on at the LDVA. Just think, Jindal the policy wonk for the largest medical care provider on earth, will run the VA like any good insurance executive and not spend a cent of America next funds, but will use our tax money to promote himself. ron thompson
[…] blogger Tom Aswell wrote in a post last Friday about a contracts the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers awarded Garret Graves’ father John Graves’ company while the younger Graves served as the director of the state’s […]
[…] blogger Tom Aswell wrote in a post final Friday about a contracts a U.S. Army Corps of Engineers awarded Garret Graves’ father John Graves’ association while a younger Graves served as a executive of a state’s […]
[…] blogger Tom Aswell wrote in a post final Friday about contracts a U.S. Army Corps of Engineers awarded Garret Graves’ father John Graves’ association while a younger Graves served as a executive of a state’s […]
check your facts…many inaccuracies in this article ~ HUGE disappointment
Why don’t you list the errors? I would then be happy to make the necessary corrections. Saying “many inaccuracies” doesn’t tell me much but I can say that Garrett Graves had approval authority over contracts with the Corps of Engineers and that’s where the bulk of the contracts were awarded.
Whether or not he owns his house in Mid-City just south of Government Street in Baton Rouge, I can’t say. But as his nearby neighbor, I can say that he has lived there for several years with his family and his kids go to local schools.