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Bundling: In politics, the term refers to the convoluted practice of combining many small contributions from individuals and political action committees (PACs) into one large contribution that are then funneled to a candidate through a “conduit,” generally a corporate executive or a lobbyist who, of course, expects something in return.

In more familiar personal injury attorney parlance, that would be known as a “runner,” a practice widely frowned upon and one which has cost some attorneys their licenses to practice law. In the almost anything goes rules of politics, bundling exists on the dark fringes of ethical practices yet remains legal, legal being a relative term at best.

Many political candidates now participate in bundling but sometimes it can backfire as in the case of textile importer-fugitive Norman Hsu who bundled $800,000 in contributions for Hillary Rodham Clinton’s presidential campaign.

And in the case of Gov. Bobby Jindal, who claims to have donated to a charity a $1,000 contribution from the Louisiana Chitimacha Indian Tribe that was bundled by an associate of former House Majority Leader Tom Delay (R-Texas), bundling at best, would seem to block transparency and at worst, raise serious ethics questions.

Federal Election Commission (FEC) regulations require that whenever a corporate executive or lobbyist physically touches a bundled contribution and delivers money to a campaign the bundler, as well as the original contributor, must be publicly disclosed in the campaign’s FEC reports. If the bundler does not come into physical contact with the checks, he/she is not required to be disclosed to the public as the conduit source of the contribution. It’s not clear as to how physical contact is monitored.

One way to recognize bundling is when several employees of a company or members of a PAC, in efforts to get around limitations on giving, pool their contributions which then show up more often than not as identical amounts on the same dates or on dates that are clustered together.

Plainly and simply, bundling is employed as a method to circumvent campaign finance laws and some do it better than others.

Take Tony Rudy, for example.

Rudy once headed up an influence-peddling organization called the Alexander Strategy Group and through that firm, he pulled in tens of thousands of dollars in the 2004 and 2005 election cycles on behalf of Jindal from such donors as UPS, Eli Lilly, Bellsouth, R.J. Reynolds (ever wonder why Jindal vetoed the 4-cent cigarette tax renewal?), Microsoft, Fannie Mae, Koch Industries, Dupont, AstraZeneca (a biopharmaceutical company), the National Auto Dealers Association, the Property Casualty Insurers Association, the American Bankers Association, and Amgen (biotechnology and pharmaceutical company).

Not only was bundling done on a wholesale basis on Jindal’s behalf, but identical contributions by individuals and committees, many on the same dates totaling hundreds of thousands of dollars, routinely appeared in separate reports filed by candidate Jindal, the Committee to Re-elect Bobby Jindal, and Friends of Bobby Jindal, Inc. Contributions ranged from $500 to $5,000.

That’s six separate reports on which the same contributors from Rudy’s exclusive client list appeared.

Other former clients of Alexander Strategy Group included Time Warner, Freddie Mac, Coalition of Airline Pilots Associations, AT&T, Blackwater USA, and Enron.

Alexander Strategy Group was one of Washington’s premier lobbying operations before it was shut down in January of 2006 after its ties to DeLay and another powerful lobbyist, Jack Abramoff, became known.

Rudy, a former aide to DeLay, worked for Abramoff before joining Alexander Strategy Group. Rudy’s wife also ran a political consulting firm that received $50,000 in exchange for services Rudy performed while working for DeLay. Delay was indicted in 2005 on money-laundering charges. Abramoff pleaded guilty in early January of 2006 to fraud and conspiracy charges.

One of Abramoff’s clients was the Chitimacha Indian Tribe of Louisiana that contributed at least $1,000 to Jindal who since has claimed to have given that money to charity.

He said the same thing nearly two years ago, however, about $10,000 in campaign contributions from Florida attorney Scott Rothstein, recently convicted in a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme.

Jindal press secretary Kyle Plotkin said Rothstein’s contribution would be given to a victim’s compensation fun “once one is created.” That was in November of 2009 but a check of Jindal campaign expenditures has revealed no such donation.

Besides clients of Alexander Strategy Group, other contributors that appeared on more than one of the Jindal contributor lists included Goldman Sachs, BP Corp., ExxonMobil, CH2M Hill, Chevron, Hospital Corp. of America, Northrop Grumman, Entergy, Citigroup, BlueCross/Blue Shield, Albemarle, Wal-Mart, Lorillard Tobacco, Pfizer, and others.

“Legislators will have to give full financial disclosure. There will be no exceptions and no loopholes.”

“I will have a high standard for performance and a zero-tolerance for ethical lapses by my administrative appointments.”

—Gov. Bobby Jindal, on his insistence on transparency and compliance with ethics regulations, some time before he paid a $2,500 ethics fine after then campaign chief and now Jindal Chief of Staff Timmy Teepell “forgot” to report an expenditure of $118,265 that the Republican Party of Louisiana spent on direct mail on Jindal’s behalf in June of 2007.

“If you lie down with dogs, you will get up with fleas.” It’s a proverb almost as old as civilization itself but it’s just as applicable today as it ever was.

Just ask Gov. Bobby Jindal.

That would be the same Bobby Jindal who routinely hops a state helicopter to some rural north Louisiana town to give adoring protestant church members a testimonial of his faith, all while adding to his growing list of potential donors.

It’s the same Bobby Jindal who promised transparency in an “open and accountable administration” and who loves to boast of his many reforms to supporters in states other than Louisiana.

It’s the same Bobby Jindal who four years ago published a campaign brochure attesting to his undying devotion to state employees but who today is doing everything possible to fire state employees, sell state offices and facilities, abolish Civil Service, and pull public education down brick by brick with his obsession over charter schools.

It would also be the same Bobby Jindal whose congressional committee the Federal Elections Commission refuses to shut down because of Jindal’s failures to respond to several Requests for Additional Information (RFAI) issued way back in 2006. His committee responded to the RFAIs regarding contributor identities, but five years later, reportedly chooses to ignore questions about illegal contributions.

It’s also the same Bobby Jindal who accepted $22,500 in five contributions from four different gambling, er gaming interests between July 2007 and January of this year. Those contributions were from Redman Gaming of Louisiana ($5,000) and Pelican Bingo Distributors ($5,000), both of the same address in Kenner, Nicky Nichols ($5,000) of Nichols Bingo Distributors, Coulon Consultants ($5,000), and Tim Coulon Campaign, Inc. ($2,500). Coulon is the former Jefferson Parish president who is registered as an officer in the now-defunct CWC Gaming.

And finally, it’s the same Bobby Jindal who two years ago promised to give $10,000 he received from a Florida attorney recently convicted in a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme to an unnamed victim’s compensation fund.

Only hours before Tim Tebow and his Florida Gators defeated LSU, 51-21 in October of 2008, Jindal attended one of his infamous out-of-state fundraisers, co-hosted by Scott Rothstein, at the time a prominent Fort Lauderdale attorney who, in June of 2010, was sentenced to 50 years in federal prison.

First reports said Rothstein contributed $5,000 to Jindal and his law firm, Rothstein, Rosenfeldt and Adler, ponied up another $5,000. A quick check by LouisianaVoice, however, revealed that Kim Rothstein of the same address as Scott Rothstein gave another $5,000.

When news stories revealed the Rothstein contributions to Jindal, which were until now reported at only $10,000, Jindal, through mouthpiece, er press secretary Kyle Plotkin, magnanimously announced that the $10,000 from Rothstein and his law firm would be given to a victim’s compensation fund “once one is created.”

Certainly, Jindal’s campaign finance committee, which must fill out and submit reports of all contributions, must have known that the Scott and Kim Rothstein contributions came from the same address. Still, Jindal pledged to return only the $10,000 that was revealed in news reports.

So why didn’t Jindal take it upon himself, through Plotkin, of course (Jindal never seems willing to answer direct questions) to correct the figure and say he would donate the entire $15,000 to a victim’s compensation fund “once one is created.”

That was in November of 2009. A check of expenditures by Jindal’s campaign revealed 33 separate expenditures totaling $396,300 but nothing to any victim’s compensation fund.

Nada.

Zilch.

We did find that of the 33 expenditures, 26 were spent on out-of-state companies and of the seven payments to Louisiana firms, one was to the Republican Party of Louisiana ($10,934).

But nothing to any victim’s compensation fund.

Nil.

Zero.

Could it be that our transparent and accountable governor is not entirely trustworthy or that he’s not good for his word?

One would think that in nearly two years, Jindal could find a victim’s compensation fund that could use the $10,000. Or would that be $15,000?

Apparently not if the governor is placed on the honor system.

Nevertheless, here’s a victim’s compensation fund the governor might consider as a potential recipient:

Crime Victims Reparations Board
Commission on Law Enforcement
1885 Wooddale Blvd., Suite 708
Baton Rouge, LA. 70806
225-925-4437.

Here’s another worthy organization:

St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital
262 Danny Thomas Place
Memphis, TN. 38105
800-822-6344

They’re waiting to hear from you, Governor.

“This is an important first step in what will be a lengthy, careful and thorough evaluation process to arrive at the best possible policy for plan members and taxpayers alike.”

—Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater, on announcing the hiring of troubled Morgan Keegan, recently fined $210 million for fraud by the SEC, to advise the Jindal administration on the disposition of the Office of Group Benefits and its $500 million surplus.

BATON ROUGE—Follow closely because this gets complicated.

Retired state employees haven’t gotten through to Gov. Bobby Jindal.

Retired teachers likewise failed in efforts to get his attention.

Not even state district judges by adopting a unanimous resolution have managed to convince Jindal that the sale of the Office of Group Benefits is a bad idea.

It is easily the most universally opposed proposal by Jindal since he took office but yet he plunges ahead, apparently oblivious to the will of the electorate. On Friday, the day of the week any savvy politician takes controversial action because of the lack of media coverage, he quietly approved Morgan Keegan & Co. of Memphis to determine “the proper administrative structure” of OGB.

Morgan Keegan was the low bidder of the three firms submitting proposals to conduct the financial analysis of the agency with a bid of $900,000, far below the $6 million the state was prepared to pay Goldman Sachs on the basis of an earlier request for proposals (RFP).

Goldman Sachs was brought in last October to help draft the initial RFP and subsequently was the only bidder at a reported cost of $6 million. Negotiations broke down over demands by Goldman Sachs that the state indemnify the Wall Street banking firm from any potential litigation.

Goldman Sachs submitted a bid of $3.5 million on the latest RFP and Barclays Capital had a bid of $5.5 million.

Commissioner of Administration Paul Rainwater said no changes will take place before Jan. 1, 2013, but that Morgan Keegan will include contract offers from health providers in the final evaluation.

But wait. Reuters News Service is reporting that Regions Financial Corp. may sell Morgan Keegan after agreeing to pay $210 million to settle allegations that its Morgan Keegan brokerage fraudulently marketed mutual funds filled with subprime mortgages and artificially inflated the funds’ prices.

What’s more, Regions has hired Goldman Sachs to explore “strategic alternatives” for Morgan Keegan, sending signals that Regions may be trying to unload Morgan Keegan.

So, what we have is this incredibly incestuous tangle whereby the Jindal administration has hired Morgan Keegan to explore the possible sale of OGB even as Regions has retained Goldman Sachs to explore the possible sale of Morgan Keegan even though Goldman Sachs less than a year ago was fined $587 million over claims that the bank misled investors in collateralized debt obligations linked to subprime mortgages.

What the hell is this administration thinking?

Well, it just stands to reason. After all, the only real job that Jindal has ever held in his 40 years is a brief stint with McKinsey & Company of Washington, D.C.

McKinsey & Company’s crowning resumé-padding achievement was its work as a consultant for Allstate Insurance. The consulting firm trained Allstate in how to minimize its losses after Hurricane Katrina by denying policyholders’ claims and to treat its policyholders with “boxing gloves” rather than its trademark “good hands.”

That should shed some light on what this administration is all about.

The latest development is another in a growing pattern that defines the Jindal administration: privatize state services in favor of private businesses, some of whom have become generous contributors to Jindal’s political campaign, as well as to key legislators and the Republican Party.

Corrections Corp. of America (CCA), for example, has contributed $13,000 to Jindal, $1,000 to House Appropriations Committee Chairman Jim Fannin (D-Jonesboro), $1,000 to Rep. Gerald Long of (R-Winnfield), and $6,000 to the Republican Party of Louisiana.

Jindal may have dropped his efforts to sell off state prisons, but he isn’t likely to ignore CCA’s generosity. You can expect him to renew those efforts nest year once he is re-elected in October.

He privatized the Office of Risk Management (ORM) a year ago but rather than sell that agency, the state actually paid F.A. Richard & Associates (FARA) $68 million to take over ORM. FARA then came back earlier this year and got approval on a $7 million amendment to that contract, bringing the state’s cost to $75 million. A week later, FARA announced it had been purchased by an Ohio firm.

One condition of the ORM takeover was that FARA was required to take ORM’s employees for a minimum of one year. Two ORM employees who went over to FARA were terminated long before that one-year moratorium and a third, the only Baton Rouge employee of the Ohio firm, was also terminated shortly after the sale.

That’s what state employees have to look forward to when their agencies are sold out from under them. The only way a private entity can justify taking over a state agency is to set fees high enough to realize a profit. State agencies do not pay taxes, something a private firm will have to do, nor are they required to turn a profit.

So how will a private firm turn a profit with a takeover of OGB? Two ways: increased premiums and massive layoffs. Rainwater has already said 149 OGB employees will be terminated.

In the ‘50s, ‘60s, and ‘70s, management would not dare trifle with employees’ lives they way they do in such a cavalier manner today. Men like Victor Bussie, Gordon Flory, and John “Red” Bourg and the AFL-CIO simply would not have allowed it.

Those were men of honor who knew what it meant to struggle or to fight for what was right. The so-called leadership ensconced on the fourth floor of the State Capitol has never had to labor for anything. The Gang of Jindal has never faced the prospect of unemployment, or having to make a mortgage payment, a car payment, or tuition payment with no income. They’ve never had to feed a family when there was no job.

With the present administration, there is no honor—and that’s about the worst thing that can be said of anyone. The slight cuts even deeper when it’s true.

What’s worse is state employees have brought it upon themselves; they let it happen, even encouraged it. They have become fat and lazy (read: comfortable and complacent), willing to sit back and allow the administration to chip away one brick at a time (ORM, OGB, state prisons), thinking it won’t happen to them.

But let’s turn the clock back just a year to 2010.

Remember those five bills introduced by Rep. John M. Schroder (R-Abita Springs)? Probably not, because people by their nature, have short memories. But they represented still another brick being chipped away by the administration. Here they are, just in case you need a reminder going into the October elections:

HB-752 called for a constitutional amendment to grant the legislature sole authority to provide for pay increases for persons in state civil service. Remember that one?

What about HB-755? That one called for a constitutional amendment that would have required the legislature to determine prior to each fiscal year if a pay increase may be granted to persons in state civil service and if so, the manner and amount of the increase. Can you say “Political Patronage?”

HB-757 would have required that reports regarding state civil service employees be submitted to the legislature instead of the Department of Civil Service. Can you say “Big Brother?”

Then there was HB-754, which would have prohibited pay increases to state civil service employees when there is a budget deficit.

Like this year? When there was a projected deficit of $1.6 billion? When the legislature nevertheless managed to pass a balanced budget? We’ll just call it the smoke and mirrors deficit.

That would mean that in any given year, the administration could “project” a deficit, and just as was the case for the past two years, there would be no pay raise for state civil service workers.

Finally, there was HB-753 which would call for a constitutional amendment to abolish the State Civil Service Commission altogether, as well as the Department of State Civil Service, effective Jan. 9, 2012.

If you think for one minute that Schroder was acting on his own with these half-baked proposals, think again. Never doubt that he got his marching orders from Jindal. And Jindal gets his orders from the National Republican Party. All you have to do is look around and see what other red states are doing to employee and teachers unions.

And even though neither of the bills passed, if you think the issue is dead, you tend toward self-deception or naiveté. If Jindal wins re-election and carries a Republican majority back into the legislature, you can bet some, if not all of these bills will back on the table next spring.

It’s all part of Jindal’s “do more with less” mantra.

Layoffs mean more responsibility for state workers. Of course, the governor’s office is exempt from being called upon to make painful sacrifices.

No pay raises for two years, coupled with increases in the prices of fuel, food, housing, clothing, college tuition, medical care, electricity, and other essentials, certainly translates to less in terms of net pay and job security.

Jindal’s policies are not unique by any means. They’re all part of a national Republican plan explained in minute detail in Naomi Klein’s eye-opening book The Shock Doctrine. But that’s another story for another day.

Perhaps state employees are finally beginning to awaken from their slumber and to say, in the immortal words of Peter Finch in the movie Network, “I’m mad as hell and I’m not going to take it anymore.” The American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) recently paid a visit to OGB to recruit members. Several employees reportedly signed up with the union, affiliated with the AFL-CIO.

State law does not prohibit civil service employees from unionizing, though it does prohibit strikes.

Nor does state law allow civil service employees to participate in partisan politics or to participate in political action committees. But Louisiana Attorney General Opinions have ruled that it is permissible for civil service employees to participate in Committees on Political Education (COPE).

There is no prohibition against the formation of a Positive Action Coalition, Professional Assistance Cooperative, or some other organization with the PAC acronym.

Such a PAC would keep state employees abreast of developments affecting them in both the administration and the legislature. There would be no political endorsements, just ongoing educational bulletins and updates. There would be no membership dues, just voluntary contributions.

But there would be quite a few frustrated, concerned politicians who would think twice before trying to steamroll policies adverse to the welfare of state employees.

And that could only be a good thing.