Louisiana Voice

In 1934, New York Mayor Fiorello La Guardia put the kibosh on Mafia boss Lucky Luciano consigliere Frank Costello’s slot machine operations in New York City when he confiscated thousands of the machines and had them dumped into the East River.

Facing a major cash flow problem from La Guardia’s actions, Costello cut a deal with Louisiana Sen. Huey Long giving Long 10 percent of the gambling revenue if Costello cared to move his slots to New Orleans. Thus, with the Kingfish’s blessings, Costello and Philip Kastel of Stamford, Conn. and New York City, came to New Orleans in early 1935 and organized Bayou Novelty Co as a front to spearhead what would eventually be a statewide gambling operation.

In 1937, the manager of Bayou Novelty died and Costello’s brother-in-law Dudley Geigerman took over the operation which by 1939, accounted for annual profits of $800,000, according to Baton Rouge State-Times newspaper files. But in October of that year, a federal indictment charged six men of evading $529,456 in income taxes, according to then-U.S. Attorney Rene Viosca.

That amount would equate to about $10.4 million in today’s dollars.

Named in the indictment were Costello, Dudley Geigerman, Harold Geigerman (the Geigermans’ sister was married to Costello), James Brocato (alias Jimmie Moran), Kastel, and Jacob Altman (alias Jake Altman). All but Costello and Kastel were from New Orleans.

Moran, it should be noted, had once served as a bodyguard for Long.

The indictment, which identified Altman as the organization’s bookkeeper and the Geigermans as the collectors, claimed the tax evasions for the years 1936 and 1937 totaled nearly $2.6 million ($51 million in 2021 dollars).

Kastel and associate Alfred “Freddie” Rickerfor of New Orleans petitioned the court in December 1947 to return the slot machines seized earlier that year after police had already destroyed 390 of the 652 confiscated machines. The two obtained a restraining order preventing the destruction of the remaining 262 slots. A lawsuit against Mayor deLesseps Morrison was dismissed in July 1949 despite Dudley Geigerman’s testimony that the machines could not be used as gambling devices without manipulation or the addition of special features. Under cross examination, however, he admitted that they could be fixed so as to make payoffs.

By 1954, Costello himself was on trial for evading $73,437 in income taxes on income from his 22½ percent ownership of Louisiana Mint Co., a slot machine rental firm in New Orleans. Costello’s accountant testified that the Beverly Country Club in Jefferson Parish was a partnership divided between Kastel (25 percent), Costello and crime syndicate chief Meyer Lansky (20 percent each) and Carlos Marcello (15 percent), Rickerfor (17 ½ percent) and Dudley Geigerman (the remaining 2 ½ percent).

The IRS claimed at the same time that Marcello owed $13,600 additional income tax for the years 1943 through 1947, plus fraud penalties totaling more than $6,000.

Gambling, of course, was illegal all this time in Louisiana and continued that way until the state lottery was approved in 1990. Video poker was authorized the following year and the first casino was given a thumbs-up in 1993. Yet, the IRS was issuing gambling stamps here as late as 1968 in order to legally claim taxes on illegal income.

Because gambling was taboo, the $50 stamps were sold as “operational tax stamps,” and one of the first persons to purchase them as the ’68 football season approached was Dudley Geigerman, Jr., son of the man responsible for most of the illegal slot machines in the state and who was not only a brother-in-law to, but a business partner with gangster Frank Costello a generation earlier.

When Costello died in February 1973, his wife of 59 years moved to New Orleans to live with her brother, Dudley Geigerman, Sr. Geigerman Sr. died in August 1985. Newspaper accounts of his death noted only that he was a golf pro and said nothing of his family and business relationships with organized crime figures.

Fast forward to today and we have one Dudley Geigerman, III, who, at various times, has partnered in business with Marcello associate and convicted organized crime figure Anthony Tusa and Louisiana State Police Commission member Jared Caruso-Riecke.

Business enterprises in which Dudley Geigerman III was involved – and his partner(s) – included:

• Crown Entertainment, Metairie (Anthony Tusa, partner);
• Decatur Entertainment, Slidell (Tusa);
• Southeastern Louisiana Entertainment, Houma (Tusa);
• Video Village, Slidell (Tusa);
• Mr. Binky’s Video Store, Kenner (Tusa);
• Paradise Video, Kenner (Tusa);
• GDH International. Covington (Jared Caruso-Riecke).

The first six businesses were video stores that specialized in pornographic videos and literature as well as various sex toys while GDH was a real estate investment company. Other officers in GDH besides CEO Riecke and Director of Housing Geigerman were Director Daniel E. Buras, Jr., Chief Operating Officer Richard Sharp and Chief Financial Officer Bruce Cucchiara.

Cucchiara was MURDERED in an apartment complex parking lot in New Orleans East on April 24, 2012, while looking for investment property. His killer has never been found.

Caruso-Riecke had four life insurance policies totaling $5 million on Cucchiara with New York Life. Three policies were for $1 million each and named Caruso-Riecke as beneficiary. The fourth, for $2 million, named Southern Louisiana Water and Sewerage, a company they owned together at the time of Cucchiara’s death. Such policies are not unusual with partners or key employees in the business world. Neither is it unusual for insurance companies to delay paying benefits when the beneficiary has not be cleared as being implicated in a murder.

Caruso-Riecke, despite not having been eliminated in the investigation, nevertheless filed suit against New York Life on March 19, 2013, a month before his claim would have prescribed and 11 months after the murder, which was still under investigation. Inexplicably, he filed his lawsuit in state court in Baton Rouge instead of St. Tammany which would have normally been the proper venue for a St. Tammany Parish resident and/or a St. Tammany Parish corporation. The insurance company opted not to contest the policies and paid Caruso-Riecke.

Cucchiara had also had signed a promissory note as security on some real estate property to Caruso-Riecke only 20 days before he was killed.

Caitlin Picou, Cucchiara’s daughter, said Caruso-Riecke gave an initial statement to investigators but since then, the investigating detective “has reached out to him but he declined to speak. They’ve reached out to his lawyer, as well, and he’s declined as well,” she said in February 2019.

Caruso-Riecke, his family members and business enterprises were – and are – politically active, contributing tens of thousands of dollars to both Republican and Democratic candidates, including Gov. John Bel Edwards and his brother, Tangipahoa Sheriff Daniel Edwards. On Jan. 8, 2019, Gov. Edwards named him to the State Police Commission, a seven-member body “that has exclusive jurisdiction and final authority over the administration of the state police service,” according to the commission’s Web page. “The Commission serves as an impartial review board that enacts and adjudicates State Police Commission Rules to regulate state police personnel activities, and hears appeals from commissioned full-time law enforcement officers,” the Web page says.

It has, however, been mired in controversy as has Louisiana State Police, particularly Troop F, headquarter in Monroe, where media attention has been focused on state trooper beatings of Black motorists, including the beating death of Ronald Greene in May 2019.

It’s not entirely clear what Geigerman’s role is as housing director of GDH International or why Caruso-Riecke would enter into a business partnership with an individual tied to persons linked to the Marcello, Costello and Gambino families and organized crime. There is no indication that Caruso-Riecke is in any way involved in illegal activities, but there can be no question that there is at least an indirect if somewhat questionable link from him to Geigerman and by only a degree of separation, to Tusa and Marcello, which in turn raises questions about his membership on the State Police Commission.

Geigerman and Anthony Tusa together purchased Video Village, located at 1797 Hwy. 190 West in Slidell, on March 15, 2002, for $50,000. That same day, the two also negotiated a lease of the building at that address to be used as a video rental store and for the “sale of novelties, periodicals and refreshments and snacks.”

In something of a plot twist, two men were arrested on suspicion of simple arson in the Sept. 11, 2007, stemming from a fire that burned Mr. Binky’s video store at 96 West 27^th Street in Kenner. One of the man, Jesse Acosta, was manager of Paradise Video only a few blocks away at 41 West 24^th Street in Kenner, and the other man, Rashad Clark, was a part-time employee of Paradise Video.

Both stores were jointly owned by Geigerman and Tusa.

Despite the arrests, no one was ever prosecuted.

The Tusa name has a long history of organized crime connections. In 1991, when Louisiana legalized VIDEO POKER, brothers Anthony and Victor Tusa, along with Sebastian Salvatore, were CONVICTED under the Racketeer Influence Corrupt Organization (RICO) Act of mail fraud for conspiring to act as “front men” or “straw men” to obtain video poker licenses on behalf of the Marcello and Gambino organized crime families through Bayou Casinos, Inc, a corporation controlled by Anthony and Victor Tusa and whose agent of record was listed as Alan B. Tusa.

NEXT: Caruso-Riecke business dealings examined

(Editor’s note: While the actual lawsuit provides names of those involved, LouisianaVoice has chosen not to print the names in the interest of sensitivity. It is the reader’s option whether or not to open the link to the legal document.)

Cedar Creek School in Ruston has taken an aggressive position in responding to a 20-page LAWSUIT filed in Ruston’s 3^rd Judicial District Court against it and the parents of several students the lawsuit claims were involved in alleged sexual abuse of the son of a Louisiana Tech assistant basketball coach.

Cedar Creek is a private school that was started in 1970 for grades one through nine in response to an anticipated influx of Black students in Lincoln Parish’s public schools. It added a grade in the second, third and fourth years until it was a 12-year school. While attended at first by white students exclusively, today it does have minority enrollment among its 676 students in pre-K through 12^th grade – primarily the children of minority college educators and other professionals.

The lawsuit claims the abuse started in September 2020 when two other boys grabbed the ninth-grader as he attempted to enter his first hour Spanish class. One of the boys, who outweighed him by about 100 pounds, incapacitated him while the other penetrated his anal cavity with an Eiffel Tower statue, the petition says.

The two “committed similar acts almost weekly throughout the Fall of 2020 and the Spring of 2021,” the lawsuit says, adding, “These sexual batteries continued through March of 2021.” Each time, the same two would continue the same type attacks with the statue “without school intervention.”

“Throughout the school year, Paul (a pseudonym) suffered multiple sexual batteries” that involved a water bottle and threats to rape him with a broomstick. “In total, Paul suffered at school in this manner in excess of twenty-five times over the 2020-2021 scholastic year,” the lawsuit claims. “During several of these batteries, other Cedar Creek students stood by and watch or laughed while Paul suffered humiliation and abuse.”

In addition to the sexual abuse claimed, the lawsuit also maintains that other students encouraged him to commit suicide.

It was not until May 13, 2021, “Paul Hell Day,” that his parents would learn the true extent of their son’s fears and the abuse he had suffered at school the lawsuit says. His mother was contacted by Cedar Creek Principal Andrew Yepson some 10 hours after the “Paul Hell Day” incident, the day that the year-long abuse culmination was plotted with social media encouragement to Cedar Creek students to bully Paul.

The suit says the boy’s parents “had no knowledge or information that Paul was being bullied, abused, assaulted and violated at school. No one from Cedar Creek had ever notified or contacted them until May 14, the day after “Paul Hell Day,” when two coaches admitted the ongoing abuse with one of them saying that he thought they had “nipped this in the bud during basketball season.”

Cedar Creek, for its part, has expelled five of the perpetrators and the lawsuit says that Paul is cooperating with local law enforcement regarding the prosecution of his abusers. His parents, meanwhile, have pulled Paul and his three younger siblings out of Cedar Creek and enrolled them elsewhere. “In essence, this has allowed Cedar Creek to wash its hand[s] of the past problems,” says the petition.

But by Cedar Creek’s expulsion of the five, they, too, will attend the same public school as Paul (Ruston High School), ultimately placing all of the students involved “back together in the same scholastic environment. As a result, Paul must again attend school with the same boys who battered, bullied and harassed him at Cedar Creek,” the lawsuit says.

In fact, LouisianaVoice has learned that one of the five has enrolled at Neville High School in Monroe.

Paul is represented by attorneys J.W. Bearden of Dallas and Ashley Mulé of New Orleans.

The lawsuit has prompted an explosion of speculative social media comment, most of it critical of Cedar Creek.

The situation has become so volatile that one LouisianaVoice reader said he saw little option than for Paul’s parents to get his four children out of Ruston. “I don’t see how they can stay in this environment now,” he said. “If I were the head basketball coach at Tech, I’d be trying to help him fine a position at another school.”

Perhaps because of the online reaction, the Cedar Creek Board of Directors did not shrink from going public with its own position, issuing a three-page formal response on Monday:

The lawsuit that was filed against Cedar Creek raises many questions that need to be asked of the lawyer who filed it. But let us be clear – the facts and evidence, if there is any evidence, will not support the allegations.

We acknowledge the serious nature of these allegations, and express our sympathy to the … family. We also acknowledge the fact that the Plaintiff was bullied at our school. That should never have happened.

There are four major issues here:

1. When was the school aware of this situation and what was done?

2. Was the Plaintiff penetrated “in excess of 25 times” by a foreign object that is larger around than a soda can?

3. Was Plaintiff involved in planning Hell Day with several of his friends?

4. Is there a video showing a sexual battery of the Plaintiff?

These are the facts as we know them:

1. As soon as the school administration was made aware on May 13 that bullying was occurring, we took immediate action. An internal investigation commenced, the [parents of the victim] were notified, and we then launched an independent investigation using a retired 20-year Ruston Police veteran, trained in juvenile investigations, who was given total freedom to follow the issues wherever the facts led.

As a result of that investigation, and based on school policy, five students were expelled from Cedar Creek. Bullying, harassment, intimidation, stalking, and similar actions have no place in our school community and will not be tolerated.

2. There is no evidence of any kind that the Plaintiff’s anal cavity or rectum was ever penetrated. The Eiffel Tower object that is in a video and is alleged to have been inserted into Plaintiff’s rectum is made of stiff, rough wire and is 3-inches square, which is significantly larger than a soda can. See pictures at end.

If that hard, rough metal tower with four sharp corners was forced into a body cavity and then withdrawn even once, severe physical damage requiring medical attention would have immediately occurred. To our knowledge, at no time did the Plaintiff seek medical attention or tell his parents or anyone else that he had been penetrated by this object.

In the detailed, written account of alleged events provided by the Plaintiff’s parents to Cedar Creek, no allegation whatsoever is made regarding anal penetration.

3. During the detailed independent investigation that was conducted by the retired Ruston police officer, it was determined that Hell Day was an event that was planned by the Plaintiff and several of his friends as part of an effort to replicate in some manner the training that Navy Seals go through. Each student, including the Plaintiff, agreed to have their own Hell Day, and Plaintiff happened to be first.

Before Plaintiff’s scheduled Hell Day, May 13, one or more other students became aware of the scheduled event and posted a notice on social media to be sure to bully Plaintiff that day. Early on May 13, the scheduled Hell Day for Plaintiff, a Cedar Creek teacher witnessed Plaintiff being bullied and immediately intervened, protected Plaintiff, and reported the incident to school administration. This was the first notification the school had of Hell Day. An internal investigation was started immediately by Cedar Creek administration and the [parents] were notified by the school.

4. There is no video showing a sexual assault or battery. The video that has been cited, linked below, was produced by Cedar Creek students as part of a French class exchange program assignment designed to show students in France about various activities at Cedar Creek. The students were required to use the French language in the video to demonstrate proficiency.

The full-length video, available here https://youtu.be/-OZ0Jf2hA6c with faces blurred and no audio to protect minors, contains a short section of some unidentifiable students poking an Eiffel Tower statue at a student in the ribs. The video does not show a sexual battery or child pornography, as alleged in the lawsuit.

Therefore, we believe the Dallas lawyer who filed this lawsuit, J.W. Bearden, should be asked to answer and document the following questions:

1. What proof or evidence is there of these alleged sexual assaults and penetration? Physical evidence? Video? Pictures? Medical records? Witness corroboration?

2. Did the Plaintiff seek medical attention for physical injuries as a result of the alleged sexual assaults at any time? If yes, what were the results?

3. While he was a student, why did the Plaintiff never tell his parents or school administrators about the allegations made in the lawsuit?

4. Why are these alleged penetrations not mentioned in the list of allegations the [parents] provided to Cedar Creek on May 14th?

In the interim, in order to not inflict unjustified damage on the minors involved, we ask everyone to stop spreading rumors, stop making baseless accusations, stop jumping to unfounded conclusions, stop posting items on social media that involve minors, and stop calling for actions that are unjustified and potentially damaging to other human beings, including minors.

The Cedar Creek Board of Directors

Paul Riley, President

Kyle Green

Lomax Napper

Jered Ramsey

Tonya Wade

Jim Worthey

Melanne Turpin

I thought of writing this column as my annual April Fool’s column but then it occurred to me that the April Fool’s columns are fictional events created around the best comedy writers available: politicians who take themselves far to seriously.

No, I decided, this can’t wait until April because I’m convinced that a conversation strikingly similar to what follows is almost certain to occur somewhere in the gret stet of Texas over the next few months. Hell, it may well happen more than once, if I know the tendencies of self-righteous politicians.

The conversation will take place when some Repugnantcan legislator receives a discreet call on his cell phone:

Him: Hello.

Her: Can you talk?

Him: For a few minutes. I’m due in a committee meeting to discuss additional voter restrictions in a few minutes, so make it quick.

Her: I have some bad news.

Him: Bad news?

Her (crying softly): I’m pregnant.

Him: extended silence.

Her: Are you there? Did you hear me?

Him: Yeah, yeah. Are you sure?

Her (sobbing): Of course. I went to a doctor. I’m 14 weeks along.

Him: Fourteen weeks? How did that happen?

Her: Seriously?

Him: You know what I mean. I thought you were careful.

Her: I was, but nothing’s foolproof. At least that’s what you’ve been saying about the COVID vaccine. By the way, did you ever get your shots?

Him: Yes, but keep that to yourself. I don’t want the anti-vaxxers to know that. They’re a big part of my base.

Her: What about the evangelical pro-lifers? Aren’t they a big part of that base, too?

Him: Damn! They’ll crucify me – if my wife doesn’t do it first.

Her: Yeah, I thought about that. She’s gonna be pissed.

Him: You sure it’s mine?

Her: Of course, I’m sure! You’re the only man I’ve been with since you hired me in your office three years ago.

Him: This is bad, really bad, for me – worse than tapping your feet in a public restroom.

Her: What about me? I’m the one who’s pregnant.

Him: Be quiet. I’m trying to think. We have to do something.

Her: I’m going to give him your last name.

Him: WHAT???!! You’re gonna do what?

Her: I’m going to have give it a last name and since it’s yours…

Him: NO!!! You can’t give it my name.

Her: Why Not? If it’s a boy, I might even give him your first name, too, and call him Junior.

Him: ABSOLUTELY NOT! (He cups his hand over the phone as passersby look his way as he involuntarily raises his voice.)

Her: Well, I’ll have to name it something. And we’re going to have to talk about child support.

Him: You obviously don’t understand the consequences here, the political repercussions…

Her: What I understand right now is that you and I went to that prayer breakfast a few months ago and on the way back to the office, we saw this motel that rents rooms by the hour…

Him: Look, I’m serious. You can’t have this baby.

Her: What?

Him: You heard me. We have to find you a doctor who can keep his mouth shut.

Her: Weren’t you one of the legislators who were out front in passing that anti-abortion bill? You know, the one that pays bounty hunters $10,000 to turn in anyone who helps a woman get an abortion? Didn’t you stand behind the governor and applaud when he signed the bill and announced that he was going to eliminate all rapists in Texas?

Him: Shut up. This is different. You cannot have that baby. It would ruin me and I have a shot at the governor’s office someday – or maybe even crazy Ted Cruz’s Senate seat. If you have that baby, all that’s out the window.

Her: So, what you’re saying is it’s all about you, right?

Him: I didn’t say that. It’s all about preserving American ideals and integrity, about putting God and family values first and only a true patriot can do that. Now hang up and start looking for an abortion doctor in Louisiana or Oklahoma. Don’t worry about the cost; I can disguise it as a political advertising expense and pay for it out of my campaign funds. Oh, and don’t call me on this number again. I’ll get a disposable phone and call you and give you the number.

 

CONTRIBUTE $250 >>

The Trump family and those in the Former Guy orbit (Lindsey Graham, Newt Gingrich, Marjorie Taylor-Greene, Matt Gaetz, et al) have been busier than ever flooding email in-boxes with solicitations for money, money, money and, oh, yes, more money.

These parasites are offering anything they can lay their hands on as an inducement to separate supporters from their money – even to the point of surreptitiously setting up recurring “donations” from donors who mistakenly thought they were giving a one-time gift.

Among the keepsakes being offered are “official” BUSINESS CARDS identifying suckers donors as members of some non-existent Trump club, T-shirts, caps, chances to actually meet one of the Donald’s (Former Guy or shyster Junior) at some rally, etc.

I’m not quite sure how I managed to get on the organization’s email list, but I receive, on average, a dozen solicitation per day and I’m also approached at the beginning of the message as “one of (my or dad’s, or Former Guy’s – depending on whom the message is ostensibly from) most loyal supporters.”

Occasionally, the message will note that Former Guy has been going over his list of donors and has noticed that I haven’t kicked in my fair share in quite some time (as in never) before attempting to shame me into emptying my bank account into his campaign coffers.

But now we have a new twist and one of our Livingston Parish Trumpers has apparently coughed up $500 to make it appear that Junior actually has us in his TAPs (thoughts and prayers).

There’s an online outfit called CAMEO that allows you to actually purchase (please remember the word “purchase” here) a personalized message from a celebrity.

It’s a hoot.

If you click on the link above, you will be taken to a page where JUNIOR spews out birthday greetings to Christina from Anna, to Lindsay from Matthew, and to Ira from T.K., John and Sarah, nuptial congratulations to Chris from Amanda, and retirement best wishes to Jessica from Michelle (retirement).

And he looks so genuinely excited as he does so. But hell, at $500 a pop, I could look pretty enthusiastic myself. That’s the going price for a “personal use” message like those above. For business purposes, the price is a tad higher – $5,000.

Other celebs who you will whore lend themselves to personal messages on the Cameo web page can be seen by clicking on this HERE, HERE, and HERE. Even DREW BREES gets into the act but at least he’s doing it as a fundraising effort on behalf of his foundation that helps cancer patients and families in need – not some gimmick to obtain funds for personal use.

Predictably, local advocate for a new civil war (he actually espoused such an idea on his Facebook page a few months back, declaring he was “ready.”) and unsuccessful local office seeker BRANDON BROWNING ponied up his $500 (or $5,000 – we really don’t know which, but it was one of the two options) to have Junior deliver a heartfelt message of encouragement to Livingston Parish residents as they braced for Hurricane Ida a couple of weeks ago.

Of course, Facebook lit up with enthusiastic praise for Junior’s taking time out of his busy schedule to personally express his concern for us in our time of crisis, forgetting for the moment that Junior did it for the money, not out of compassion for the citizens of Livingston Parish.

You’d have thought that he made a personal sojourn to Livingston Parish to break out his personal DT chain saw and to begin the storm cleanup.

Apparently, it never occurred to all those Former Guy faithful here that (a) Junior was paid well for his 40-second effort on behalf of Livingston’s storm victims, (b) after cutting the message, he never gave us another thought, and (c) he’s smiling as he deposits Browning’s payment in the ever-growing Former Guy Sucker Account.

The sheriff of Rapides Parish has settled a federal discrimination lawsuit brought by deputy sheriff Jerry McKinney, Sr., against the department and former Sheriff William Earl Hilton for $187,500.

Unfortunately, McKinney died while his case was ongoing. But, say New Orleans attorneys William Most and Kerry Murphy, who represented McKinney, his case was so strong that in the few days leading up to the trial date, the sheriff’s office agreed to settle with his widow.

McKinney, a former Army officer and a 20-year veteran of the Rapides Parish Sheriff’s Office, suffered a stroke in late 2017.

Following his stroke, he was able to return to work but did not pass his firearm recertification. The RPSO moved him to a 12-hour shift at the jail that did not require firearm certification. But the 12-hour shifts caused health problems, the lawsuit said.

McKinney’s physician recommended that his schedule be modified to eight-hour shifts and he was moved to an eight-hour job in the kitchen.

But when RPSO administrators (Sheriff Hilton) found out, McKinney was ordered back to a 12-hour position and told that if he could not work that shift, he “should retire.” When McKinney refused to retire and asked to be put in any eight-hour position anywhere in the sheriff’s office, he was fired – five days before Christmas.

McKinney filed suit, claiming that his termination was a violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).

In the course of the lawsuit, attorney Most said, it was discovered that the sheriff’s office was “dramatically out of compliance” with the ADA. The office had no ADA coordinator, did not conduct any ADA training and described employees requesting accommodations as “complainers.”

Hilton even testified in deposition that in his 24 years as sheriff, his office had never provided an accommodation to an employee with a disability.

As of last April, the RPSO still had not addressed its ADA problems. When a public records request was made for the current ADA grievance procedures or any documents reflecting the designation of an ADA coordinator, the sheriff’s office was unable to produce any such documentation, Most said.

David Lanser of Most & Associates said, “Under Sheriff Hilton, RPSO showed a shocking disregard of its obligations under federal law. Hopefully, this settlement is a wake-up all that things need to be changed.”

Lanser may be hoping for too much. Sheriffs enjoy a unique position in society in that they answer to no one but the voters. Neither Legislators, governors, even congress, or the president have any authority over the autonomy of sheriffs.

In my book Louisiana’s Rogue Sheriffs: A Culture of Corruption, I point out that the office of sheriff is older than the office of the president. Indeed, it pre-dates the republic itself by more than a century, older even than the Magna Carta, signed in 1215.

The office of sheriff originated in England and dates back more than a thousand years. In this country, the first sheriff took office in Delaware in 1669 – a full 107 years before the Declaration of Independence. Other than the occasional small-town police chief, the sheriff is the only elected law enforcement official in America.

Three states – Alaska, Hawaii and Connecticut – have no sheriffs. Other than those three states, the sheriff is the single most powerful person in a given county – or parish. And therein lies the problem. That much power concentrated in the hands of a single individual, who often possesses no concept of basic human rights, is a recipe for abuse and greed.

To illustrate that point, Hilton testified in his deposition that the granting of McKinney’s request for a “reasonable accommodation” would have “disrupted the operation of the department, and he would have created a situation where other employees probably would have felt like Jerry was getting special treatment, and you know, they just – they don’t like that, and they wouldn’t have treated him like any other employee. Everybody has to be treated the same and so, that’s how it is.”

His questioner in that deposition responded, “Regardless of whether they’re fully able[d] or disabled, everyone has to be treated the same?”

“Yes.”

“Okay. So, you’re not going to make special accommodations for – for someone with a disability? You want everyone to be treated the same?”

“Yes.”

The lawsuit pointed out that the RPSO accommodated the request for eight-hour shifts for an employee with “family issues,” but fired an employee who requested eight-hour shifts because of a disability.

(Editor’s note: you can order a signed copy of Louisiana’s Rogue Sheriffs by clicking on the yellow DONATE button to the right of this post and contributing $30 or you can send a check to: LouisianaVoice, P.O. Box 922, Denham Springs, Louisiana 70726. We are a 503 non-profit, so all contributions are fully tax-deductible.)