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Image result for cell phone text photos

One of our sources told us early on to make a public records request for all text messages to and from the four State Troopers who drove to that infamous social event in San Diego by way of Las Vegas and the Grand Canyon last October as well as like messages from former State Police Superintendent Mike Edmonson.

“Get those texts and you will see that Mike Edmonson knew the whereabouts of those four the entire trip,” our source said. “They were texting each other every mile of that trip. The four in the vehicle even sent photos.”

So, it was no surprise when The Baton Rouge Advocate ran a page-one STORY in which we learned that Louisiana State Police (LSP) had no texts—sent or received—from Edmonson, his former Chief of Staff Charles Dupuy, or any of the four who drove.

It was an LSP Ford Expedition issued to Dupuy that the four drove to San Diego via Las Vegas and the Grand Canyon.

What are the odds that there would be no text messages or photos of the trip?

In this case, 100 percent.

And lest one take this too lightly, consider this: LSP was—and remains—under investigation for that trip, not only because of the vehicle being taken, but because Edmonson flew about a dozen others, including a part-time student worker, to San Diego at taxpayer expense just so they could witness him receiving a national award.

The FBI is known to be investigating the Louisiana State Troopers Association (LSTA) for political contributions funneled from the association through its executive director’s personal bank account. The scope of that investigation could extend to the San Diego trip, though that is not known for certain.

When you’re under investigation, it’s called evidence tampering to destroy electronic communications—if that’s what happened. And authorities normally frown upon the destruction of evidence. In fact, it’s a criminal offense.

Ironically, one of those making the drive to San Diego in that Expedition was Derrell Williams. At the time, he was head of LSP’s Internal Affairs which is charged with investigating reports of misconduct on the part of state troopers. He has since been relieved of those duties but he, of all people, should know the consequences of exorcising electronic communications that might have a bearing on an investigation.

As The Advocate pointed out, it’s improbable but possible that no text messages were sent by any of the six individuals. And, reporter Jim Mustian wrote, it’s even possible that messages, if any, were automatically deleted through some type of customized setting.

Of course the official word from LSP is that the agency has no formal retention policy regarding text messages.

So it would seem that all the bases are covered in the LSP Textgate mystery.

It’s like the lawyer who, upon being sued because his dog bit someone walking past his house responding by saying (1) “My dog doesn’t bite,” (2) “I keep my dog inside a fenced yard,” and (3) “I don’t own a dog.”

Now all other state agencies, thanks to LSP, can forgo instituting a retention policy or quietly go about abolishing any such policy they may already have just in case some other reporters come snooping around.

After all, if a no-policy is good enough for the state’s top law enforcement agency, why should other agencies be burdened by such an encumbrance?

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No sooner than we post our story about Public Service Commissioner MIKE FRANCIS lobbying for a return of the free lunch for PSC members than we get an anonymous tip about another of those furtive bills sneaked through on the final day of last year’s legislative session—a-la the infamous 2014 Edmonson Amendment—which apparently renders Francis’ effort moot.

Put another way, the most expensive free lunch in Louisiana history is now the order of the day.

An amendment tacked onto an otherwise innocuous bill goes much further than even Francis intended, however.

While the bill itself was not initially identified by our source, it was passed unanimously by both the House and Senate and signed into law by Gov. John Bel Edwards, we’re told. More specific information will be forthcoming as we learn more about the amendment.

Details are still sketchy at this point but all elected state officials, as well as appointed members of boards and commissions, will receive gourmet lunches catered by two of Baton Rouge’s most expensive restaurants whenever they convene in Baton Rouge. The menu will range from prime steaks to prime rib to lobster—and more, much more.

That includes not only the 144 members of the legislature for every day the legislature is in session and when members attend committee meetings throughout the year, but the LSU Board of Supervisors, the University of Louisiana System Board, the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE), the PSC, the Insurance Rating Commission, and hundreds of other boards and commissions as well.

The amendment also increased the cap on the amount that can be spent on meals by 70 percent, from $50 to $85. That does not include the cost of drinks, which also will be provided gratis for elected and appointed officials.

The new law, while exempting those officials from the $50 cap, leaves the limits in place for state employees.

The cost of this newest perk is expected to easily exceed $1 million per year just for legislators. The countless members of boards and commissions who meet throughout the year in Baton Rouge who also will be eligible for the new perk will increase that cost even more, though there is no way to calculate how much that will be.

But there apparently will be no cost to taxpayers since lobbyists will be responsible for payment of the cost of the meals and drinks. Various special interests will pick up the tabs on a rotating basis with Oil and Gas interests buying one day, banks the next, then private prisons, etc., for legislators.

For the individual boards and commissions, those interests with the most to gain from legislation will be participating. Utility, pipeline, cable TV and trucking companies, for example, will split the costs for PSC members with insurance companies sharing the cost for the Insurance Commissioner and the Insurance Rating Commission, private prisons will be treating members of the Pardon and Parole Board, and charter and voucher schools will strap on the feedbag with BESE members.

Opposition, albeit nearly a year too late, was nevertheless easy to find. Attorney General Jeff Landry blamed Gov. John Bel Edwards for letting the amendment slip through. “I am dedicated to protecting the interests of the voters on matters such as this and the governor obviously is not. That’s why when I’m elected governor, I will work diligently to repeal this amendment. I’m putting legislators on notice right now: if you sponge off lobbyists and take advantage of senior citizens, children, conservative, patriotic, anti-Islamic Republican voters, I’m coming after you.”

His words were echoed by U.S. Sen. John Kennedy, who said, “I supported Donald Trump from day one and you oughta carry a handgun. I have also always said we don’t have a revenue problem in Louisiana, we have a spending problem. This proves it. Legislators make between $32,000 and $66,000 a year, including their $159 per diem for each day they’re in Baton Rouge. When I’m governor, they’ll buy their own damn lunch. And they can drink weed killer.”

Legislators contacted by LouisianaVoice were surprisingly candid in their support of the amendment.

“Look, we have to eat, too,” said Rep. Carl Spackler of Shongaloo. “We come down here every year and in the past we’ve had to scramble to find lobbyists who will buy us dinner. Lunch is usually out of the question because we’re tied down at the Capitol during the day and we have to settle for the lousy food in the cafeteria. And a lot of evenings, it’s raining out and we get soaked running from our cars to the restaurant. And don’t even talk to me about the Baton Rouge traffic. It’s hardly worth the free steak and Merlot Cabernet Franc.”

Sen. William J. Le Petomane of Mamou agreed. “We come here and listen to all the whining from state agencies about budget cuts. I only get to see my girlfriend when I’m here in Baton Rouge and my constituents really cut into my time with her. I got her a job with the state but she’s pretty high-maintenance, so these meals will free up per diem money that I can spend on little gifts to keep her happy. In that regard, the amendment will be added incentive for us to do our jobs when we’re in town.”

Lobbyist Al Cverzik, who represents the Louisiana Nutria Preservation League, said the easing of restrictions on meals and drinks will give lobbyists greater access to legislators. “We have to compete with all these ordinary citizens to get our message across. Well, we have a right to be heard, too. Having a sit-down with them over a porterhouse steak and a glass or two of whatever will help us immensely.”

The bill goes into effect today—just in time for the upcoming legislative session which kicks off on April 10, a week from this Monday.

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ALUMNI?

Among all the things in state government we could (and do) point out and complain about, this might seem a bit trivial.

But why, at an institution of higher learning, would someone attach this license plate frame to his vehicle when he is the only occupant?

“Alumni” necessarily implies multiple occupants, all of whom are proud graduates. The proper term should be “alumnus,” which is the singular form.

And lest you think I’m picking on LSU, be assured that other schools are equally guilty. Louisiana Tech, ULL, ULM, Southern, Nicholls State, Grambling, McNeese, Southeastern….all of ’em sell these frames in their gift shops.

So do Alabama, Mississippi State, Ole Miss, Auburn, Arkansas, Texas, Texas A&M, Georgia and most likely every other college and university in America—probably even the Ivy League schools.

Speaks wonders for higher education, does it not?

Oh well, just something I’ve wanted to get off my chest for quite a while.

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“According to Edmonson, the new governor told him on the night of the election, at a party at the Hotel Monteleone, that he had never even considered another candidate for superintendent.”

Baton Rouge Advocate story of March 15, 2017.

 

“Please tell me your intentions as to the re-appointment of Mike Edmonson.”

Tom Aswell

From: John Bel Edwards Sent: Tuesday, October 27, 2015 12:50 PM To: Tom Aswell Subject: Re: QUESTION

I don’t intend one way or the other.

 

Email exchange between LouisianaVoice Publisher Tom Aswell and gubernatorial candidate John Bel Edwards on Oct. 27, 2015.

BOTTOM LINE? Someone’s lying.

 

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1399909

Bloomberg News Service on March 1 published a STORY that said global megabanks have paid $321 billion in fines for such non-banking-like practices as money laundering, market manipulation and even terrorist financing since the market crash of 2008.

And while $321 billion may sound impressive, Bloomberg failed to mention that because of those same banks, President George W. Bush had little choice but to sign the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 that pumped more than twice that amount, $700 billion of taxpayer bailout funds, into the failed banks that precipitated the Great Recession of 2008.

Most financial advisers would describe that as a negative return on investment.

Adding insult to injury, $1.6 billion of that $700 billion was used to award multi-million dollar bonuses to CEOs of the very firms that got us into the mess to begin with. http://www.cbsnews.com/news/16b-of-bank-bailout-went-to-execs/

Bloomberg also failed to mention that those fines had little effect on those who perpetuated the crimes but did have a significant impact on stockholders and retirees, those, in other words, who had nothing to do with the massive fraud carried out on such a grand scale.

In fact, in 2010, former Countrywide Financial CEO Angelo Mozilo was fined $22.5 million and ordered to pay another $45 million in restitution as his penalty for reaping a profit of $141.7 million from stock sale, according to Mary Kreiner Ramirez and Steven A. Ramirez, authors of The Case for the Corporate Death Penalty (New York University Press, 2017). So, despite the penalties, he walked away with a net gain $74.2 million, or a 52 percent return, sending a clear signal his peers that “crime does in fact pay,” the authors wrote.

There are also two questions Bloomberg neglected to address:

  1. What the total cost of the runaway greed and reckless actions of firms like AIG, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, Goldman Sachs, Citigroup, Countrywide, and J.P. Morgan to stockholders, retirees and American taxpayers in general?
  2. How many top tier officers at these firms who condoned, encouraged and/or actively participated in the illegal practices went to jail?

The answer to the first question is an eye-popping $15 trillion, according to Ramirez and Ramirez.

The answer to the second question is just as unbelievable: ONE.

In fact, as of Jan. 28, that last date that STATISTICS were updated by the Bureau of Prisons, there were exactly 555 people serving federal jail sentences for banking, insurance, embezzlement and counterfeiting. That comes to .3 percent (three-tenths of one percent) of the total federal prison population.

By contrast, there were 82,109 in federal prison for non-violent drug offenses (46.4 percent of the total), and 14,853 imprisoned on immigration charges (8.4 percent).

At this point it might be fair to ask just who did the most lasting damage to the nation’s economy?

It would also be fair to question why, if only one Wall Street banker went to jail, how is that there are 555 imprisoned for banking- and insurance-related offenses? The answer to that is those offenders, situated on Main Street instead of Wall Street, lacked the political clout in Washington that the leaders of the megabanks enjoyed.

Is that an over-simplification of the circumstances? Probably, but it’s interesting to compare the actions of different White House administrations in handling financial crises.

President Obama’s first Attorney General, Eric Holder, in his “too big to fail” proclamation, said, “I am concerned that the size of some of these institutions becomes so large that it does become difficult for us to prosecute them when we are hit with indications…it (prosecution) will have a negative impact on the economy.”

Obama, for his part, said, “One of the biggest problems about the…financial crisis and the whole subprime lending fiasco is that a lot of that stuff wasn’t necessarily illegal, it was just immoral or inappropriate or reckless.”

Wasn’t necessarily illegal? Both statements stretch credulity to its breaking point and are in themselves, disgraceful because federal laws were clearly broken knowingly and willfully.

It wasn’t always that way. For example, in the wake of the savings and loan crisis of the 1980s and 1990s, more than 1,100 bankers were indicted and 839 were convicted.

Enron, the seventh-largest company in the U.S. at the turn of the century, is another example of how the feds went after those who played fast and loose with the rules. President George H.W. Bush called on Enron CEO Kenneth Lay to run the World Economic Summit in Houston in 1990 and in 1992, Lay co-chaired the reelection campaign of Bush the First.

Enron and its affiliates also contributed more than $888,000 to the Republican National Committee in 2000, the year that George W. Bush was elected President and another $1.3 million to the Republican Party. Lay and his wife personally contributed $238,000 to George W. Bush campaigns and inauguration celebrations and raised another $100,000 from friends. To the younger Bush, Lay was known as “Kenny boy.”

Still, Enron and its top executives were not immune from prosecution by Bush the Second.

Despite the access to the highest levels of government enjoyed by Enron and Lay, he and Jeff Skilling, his successor as Enron CEO, were indicted by the Department of Justice in 2004 and though the two combined to spend some $60 million on their defense, Lay was convicted on all counts and Skilling on 19 of 28 counts of securities fraud.

George W. Bush’s Attorney General John Ashcroft recused himself from the Enron investigation because Enron and Lay both were major financial supporters in Ashcroft’s Missouri unsuccessful Senate re-election campaign. His chief of staff, David Ayers, also took himself out of the investigation of Enron. That was as it should have been.

Enron’s accounting firm, Arthur Andersen, was convicted of shredding Enron documents and both Enron and Arthur Andersen soon ceased to exist.

The same fate befell CenTrust Savings Bank, Drexel Burnham Lambert investment bank, and WorldCom—all because of flagrant violations of federal securities laws and each was prosecuted by the administrations of the two Bushes. WorldCom, in fact, was the largest bankruptcy in history when it went under in 2002.

Evidently, those firms were not considered too big to fail.

By contrast, Obama’s Attorney General Holder and Lanny Breuer, chief of the Department of Justice (DOJ) Criminal Division, did not remove themselves from DOJ’s investigation of the investment banks that brought on the Great Recession of 2008. This despite the fact that both men had worked for the same law firm of Covington & Burling which included among its clients such eminent Wall Street banking firms as Bank of America (Countrywide’s successor), Citigroup, and JP Morgan Chase.

In fact, at the time Holder was tapped as attorney general, he was co-chairing Covington & Burling’s white-collar defense unit. Good training in case you’re ever called on to investigate your former bosses.

Breuer returned to Covington & Burling in 2013 followed by his boss Holder in July 2015, giving Holder at least a reason for his strained, if not borderline unprincipled logic for not pursuing criminal indictments against the megabanks.

Following Holder’s departure, Deputy Attorney General Sally Quillian Yates (Remember her? She’s the one President Trump fired after she refused to enforce his illegal immigration order) issued a DOJ memo (turns out she was pretty good at memos that cut right to the chase) on Sept. 9, 2015, that reversed Holder and Breuer’s DOJ policy toward pursuing individual accountability, both criminally and civilly, for corporate wrongdoing. The memorandum said the policy change was to maximize DOJ’s “ability to deter misconduct and to hold those who engage in it accountable.”

The comparison between the approaches of two Bushes and Obama to bankers’ disdain for securities laws to the detriment of the entire country represents a stark role reversal for the perceived political philosophies of the Republican and Democratic administrations.

And now, President Trump has expressed his determination to roll back the Dodd-Frank bill passed after the 2008 recession for the express purpose of preventing a recurrence of the runaway greed that nearly wrecked the world economy.

In fact, he wants to remove all regulation of Wall Street banks, quite possibly the most dangerous single cartel in American society.

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